Avis des internautes - Rédiger un commentaire
Aucun commentaire n'a été trouvé aux emplacements habituels.
The World's Great Classics: The spirit of laws, by Baron de Montesquieu ...
Timothy Dwight,Julian Hawthorne
Affichage du livre entier - 1899
The Spirit of Laws: Translated from the French of M. de Secondat, Baron de ...
Charles de Secondat baron de Montesquieu
Affichage du livre entier - 1773
Autres éditions - Tout afficher
abuse accused ancient archy aristocracy asraid aster Athens body cause CHAP China citizens civil climate conquered conquest consequence constitution contrary corrupted crimes customs danger decemvirs democracy deprive desence despotic governments despotic prince emperor empire endeavor equal ernment established executive power faid fame father fays fortunes give Greeks Halicarn Hence high treason honor Ibid infinite number inhabitants judge Julian law kind kings Laius Laivs land laws legislative liberty likewise lise Livy luxury magistracy magistrates manner ment moderate governments monarchies morals nation nature necessary never nobility obliged papillæ particular passions Persia person Plato Plutarch political preserve prince's principle proportion prosession provinces punishment reason regulated relation religion render republic respect riches Romans Rome Salic law sear senate Servius Tullius slavery slaves Sparta spirit subsistence sumptuary sumptuary laws Tacitus taxes thing thoufand tion tribunal twelve tables virtue Visigoths wanted women
Page 181 - When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty; because apprehensions may arise, lest the same monarch or senate should enact tyrannical laws, to execute them in a tyrannical manner.
Page 191 - It is natural for mankind to set a higher value upon courage than timidity, on activity than prudence, on strength than counsel. Hence the army will ever despise a senate, and respect their own officers. They will naturally slight the orders sent them by a body of men whom they look upon as cowards, and therefore unworthy to command them.
Page 181 - Were it joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control ; for the judge would then be the legislator. Were it joined to the executive power, the judge might behave with violence and oppression.
Page 183 - ... there is an end of liberty; unless they are taken up in order to answer without delay to a capital crime, in which case they are really free, being subject only to the power of the law.
Page 26 - As most citizens have sufficient ability to choose, though unqualified to be chosen, so the people, though capable of calling others to an account for their administration, are incapable of conducting the administration themselves. The public business must be carried on with a certain motion, neither too quick nor too slow. But the motion of the people is always either too remiss or too violent. Sometimes with a hundred thousand arms they overturn all before them; and sometimes with a hundred thousand...
Page 190 - To prevent the executive power from being able to oppress, it is requisite that the armies with which it is...
Page 182 - ... in quality of legislators. They may plunder the state by their general determinations ; and as they have likewise the judiciary power in their hands, every private citizen may be ruined by their particular decisions.
Page 186 - The executive power ought to be in the hands of a monarch, because this branch of government, having need of despatch, is better administered by one than by many: on the other hand, whatever depends on the legislative power is oftentimes better regulated by many than by a single person.