False Promises: The Shaping of American Working Class Consciousness

Couverture
Duke University Press, 1992 - 470 pages
This classic study of the American working class, originally published in 1973, is now back in print with a new introduction and epilogue by the author. An innovative blend of first-person experience and original scholarship, Aronowitz traces the historical development of the American working class from post-Civil War times and shows why radical movements have failed to overcome the forces that tend to divde groups of workers from one another. The rise of labor unions is analyzed, as well as their decline as a force for social change. Aronowitz’s new introduction situates the book in the context of developments in current scholarship and the epilogue discusses the effects of recent economic and political changes in the American labor movement.
 

Pages sélectionnées

Table des matières

Lordstown Disruption on the Assembly Line
21
Colonized Leisure Trivialized Work
51
Formation of the Industrial Working Class
137
Trade Unionism Illusion and Reality
214
The Formation of the Professional Servant Class
264
The WhiteCollar Proletarians
291
The Unsilent Fifties
323
Epilogue
395
Short Bibliography
445
Index
449
Droits d'auteur

Autres éditions - Tout afficher

Expressions et termes fréquents

Fréquemment cités

Page 217 - The management of the works and the direction of the working forces, including the right to hire, suspend or discharge for proper cause, or transfer, and the right to relieve employees from duty because of lack of work, or for other legitimate reasons, is vested exclusively in the Corporation: Provided that this will not be used for purposes of discrimination against any member of the Union.
Page 69 - In the Middle Ages, at the beginning of modern times, and for a long time after that in the lower classes, children were mixed with adults as soon as they were considered capable of doing without their mothers or nannies, not long after a tardy weaning ( in other words, at about the age of seven). They immediately went straight into the great community of men, sharing in the work and play of their companions, old and young alike.
Page xliv - JGA Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), and "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3 (1972): 119-34.
Page xxx - But tell me whether or not, occupying the position we do, private conscience should not yield to that imperial one formulated in the code under which alone we officially proceed?
Page 134 - Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1962).
Page 127 - This mode of production must not be considered simply as being the reproduction of the physical existence of the individuals. Rather it is a definite form of activity of these individuals, a definite form of expressing their life, a definite mode of life on their part.
Page 23 - Each work station is no more than 6 to 8 feet long. For example, within a minute on the line, a worker in the trim department had to walk about 20 feet to a conveyor belt transporting parts to the line, pick up a front seat weighing 30 pounds, carry it back to his work station, place the seat on the chassis, and put in four bolts to fasten it down by first hand-starting the bolts and then using an air gun to tighten them according to standard. It was steady work when the line moved at 60 cars an...
Page 70 - ... about the age of seven). They immediately went straight into the great community of men, sharing in the work and play of their companions, old and young alike. The movement of collective life carried along in a single torrent all ages and classes, leaving nobody any time for solitude and privacy. In these crowded, collective existences there was no room for a private sector. The family fulfilled a function; it ensured the transmission of life, property and names; but it did not penetrate very...
Page 143 - The Socialist Party of the United States favors all legislative measures tending to prevent the immigration of strike-breakers and contract laborers, and the mass importation of workers from foreign countries, brought about by the employing classes for the purpos.e of weakening the organization of American labor, and of lowering the standard of life of American workers.
Page 23 - A lot of times we just miss a bolt to keep us with the line." In all plants workers try to make the work a little easier for themselves. At Lordstown, as in other automobile plants, there are many methods for making the work tolerable. Despite the already accelerated pace, workers still attempt to use the traditional relief mechanism of "doubling up.

À propos de l'auteur (1992)

Stanley Aronowitz is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the Graduate Center, City University of New York. He is founder of the Center for Worker Education at the City College of New York. He lives in New York City.

Informations bibliographiques