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questo argomento aveva molto valore senza che fosse necessaria la circolare del vescovo per darci forza.

Agli istitutori primari nelle mentagne dicevano: non ricevete che 200, 250 o 300 franchi; la legge in Francia stabilisce che il minimo dello stipendo degli istitutori primari si è di lire 600; ed ecco una seconda categoria degli apostoli ferventi della riunione alla Francia.

Lo stesso argomento facevano valere presso le institutrici femminili.

Finalmente voi non ignorate che una gran parte di operai, una gran parte della classe povera della contea di Nizza emigra tutti gli anni per andar a cercar lavoro nelle città della Provenza. A questi dicevano: d'ora in avanti non avrete più bisogno della formalità del passaporto, voi farete l'economia di quelle lire che dovete pagare al fisco, non avrete più l'incomodo di recarvi dal intendente o dal governatore per farvelo rilasciare; pur troppo questi argomenti avevano molto valore; certamente li avranno di molto esagerati, avranno a benefizi reali aggiunti benefizi immaginari; ma, o signori, potete voi citarmi delle elezioni popolari generali, dove i partiti non facciano uso di esagerazioni, dove non pongano in campo promesse che sanno di non poter sempre mantenere, che non muovano contro i loro avversari delle accuse sicuramente esagerate? E se vi facessi la storia delle elezioni americane vi potrei accennare dei mezzi di coazione ben altrimenti potenti di quelli adoperati a Nizza,

need of the circular of the archbishop to reinforce it.

To the primary teachers in the mountains they said: "You receive but 200, 250 or 300 francs; the law in France says that the minimum pay of the primary teachers is 600 lire "; and there you have a second class of fervent apostles for union. with France.

They used the same argument with the female teachers.

Finally, you know that many laborers, many of the poor class of the county of Nice emigrates every year to seek work in the towns of Provence. To these they said: "Henceforth you will no more need the formality of a passport, you will save the lire that you must pay to the State, you will no longer be inconvenienced about going to the intendant or governor to get one"; these arguments had only too great a force; certainly they will have exaggerated them considerably, they must have added imaginary benefits to real ones; but, Gentlemen, can you cite any general popular elections, where the parties do not use exaggerations, where they do not hold out promises that they know they can not always keep, where they do not bring against their opponents charges that are surely exaggerated? And if I told you the story of the American elections, I could tell you means of coercion much more powerful than those used at Nice, for the parties at times use not only the intellectual ar

poichè i partiti talvolta non solo adoperano gli argomenti intellettuali, ma hanno ricorso agli argomenti dedotti dalla forza materiale. (Risa.)

E nelle elezioni inglesi i partiti non si lanciano a vicenda le più gravi accuse? E presso noi questi fatti non si riproducono?

Tutti i popoli liberi sono sottoposti a queste anomalie, a queste esagerazioni, a questi inconvenienti.

Io voglio ammettere che a Nizza se ne sia fatto un uso più largo che non d'ordinario; ma volete voi credere che questi mezzi un po'eccessivi avessero avuto tanta autorità da produrre la quasi unanimità in favore della riunione alla Francia, se il sentimento delle popolazioni, se i suoi interessi non le avessero portate verso la Francia?

E finalmente, se vi fu coazione per parte degli agenti francesi a Nizza sulle popolazioni, non vi fu certo coazione sui nostri soldati i quali si trovavano divisi in tutti i corpi dell'esercito; poichè voi ben sapete che non esiste brigata speciale nicese. Ebbene fra i soldati nicesi la votazione ebbe luogo con tutta libertà; che anzi, se vi fu pressione, essa fu piuttosto nel senso contrario, essendo italiana. la magioranza dei loro colleghi: eppure l'unanimatà si produsse nei loro voti. Però io non voglio dar a ciò troppa importanza; so che presso i soldati si è anche fatto valere l'argomento che in Francia la ferma è solo di sette anni, mentre da noi è di un

guments, but resort to those deduced from material force. (Laughter.)

And in the English elections, do not the parties hurl against each other the most serious charges? And have these facts not been reproduced with us?

All free peoples are subjected to these anomalies, to these exaggerations, to these inconveniences.

I will admit that at Nice a wider use than usual was made, but will you believe that these somewhat excessive means would have had an effect of producing a quasi unanimity in favor of union with France, if the sentiments of the people, if their interest had not carried them toward France? . . .

And, finally, if there was coercion of the people on the part of the French agents at Nice, there certainly was no coercion of our soldiers, who were scattered in all the army corps; for you know well that there is no special Nice brigade. Well, among the soldiers from Nice the vote took place with entire freedom; even if there was pressure, it was rather in the contrary sense, the majority of their comrades being Italian: yet the vote was unanimous. But I do not wish to give too much weight to that; I know that with the soldiers one has also used the argument that in France the enlistment is only for seven years, with us eleven, and that this argu

dici, e che quest'argomento ha potuto avere molta influenza sull'animo loro; ma tuttavia, se fossero stati soldati italiani, avrebbero preferito rimanere 11 anni sotto le armi che vedere la loro ferma finire dopo 7 anni a costo della propria nazionalità.

Con questo, o signori, io penso di aver adempiuto alla parte più importante del mio assunto, di avervi dimostrato che, se il trattato ci impone dolorosissimi sacrifizi, se ci priva di due nobilissime provincie che furono e potevano ancora esserci larghe di aiuti in armi e denari, noi non abbiamo certo violato il principio di nazionalità, quel principio sul quale riposa, lo dico altamente, la nostra politica. Se io avessi creduto che colla cessione di Nizza quel sacrosanto principio fosse stato leso, io, lo dichiaro altamente, avrei diviso tutte le opinioni che intorno ad essa l'onorevole Rattazzi ha manifestate.

ment may have had a strong influence upon them; but, if they had been Italian soldiers they would have preferred remaining eleven years with the colors to seeing their enlistment end after seven years, at the expense of their own nationality.

With this, gentlemen, I think that I have fulfilled the most important part of my task, that of showing that if the treaty imposes very painful sacrifices, deprives us of two most noble provinces, which have aided and may still aid us considerably in arms and money, we have certainly not violated the principle of nationality, that principle on which, I say it emphatically, our policy is based. If I had thought that this transfer of Nice were a violation of such a sacrosanct principle I would openly declare I should have agreed to all the opinions expressed in regard thereto by the honorable Rattazzi.

Statement of the Position of Great Britain Regarding the Vote1
Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley

MY LORD.

Foreign Office, May 15, 1860.

After the communications which have passed with various Courts of Europe, on the subject of the neutralized districts of Savoy, Her Majesty's Government think the time is come to define and fix the position they mean to assume on this question.

The Treaty of Vienna, and the Act of Guarantee of Switzerland of the 20th of November, 1815, provide that, in case of war between neighboring Powers, certain parts of Savoy, namely, the districts of Chablais, Faucigny, and part of the Genevois, shall be comprised within the neutrality of Switzer1 British Parliamentary Papers, 1860, Vol. 67, Affairs of Italy [2702], p. 248.

land, and that no troops other than those of the Confederation shall occupy that territory so long as the war shall last.

Her Majesty's Government consider that this provision was made no less in the interest of Switzerland and of Europe, than in that of Sardinia.

The documents in their possession, the records of Geneva, and the correspondence of M. Pictet de Rochemont lately published, appear to them amply to bear out this position.

It appears to them that if France and Sardinia were desirous of making a Treaty by which the sovereignty of Savoy should be transferred to France, it was the duty of Sardinia to confer with the Powers who signed the Treaty of Vienna before completing the cession of territory of which she was not merely the Sovereign, but of which she held the deposit for purposes of Swiss independence and European security.

It appeared to Her Majesty's Government that if this was not done by Sardinia, it ought to have been done by France before French troops should occupy Savoy. But if neither of these were done, it seemed clear to Her Majesty's Government that the defect could only be cured by the offer, on the part of France, of such ample guarantees as should be an efficient substitute for the security which the provisions of Article XCII of the Treaty of Vienna gave to Switzerland, in consequence of Savoy forming part of the dominions of the King of Sardinia.

Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that an undertaking by France to fulfil in time of war the obligations of Sardinia in respect to the neutralized parts of Savoy, forms no such efficient substitute.

Her Majesty's Government are likewise of opinion that the arrangements hitherto suggested by the Government of France form no such efficient substitute.

Her Majesty's Government do not see any other efficient substitute which could be found, but one, which giving a military frontier to Switzerland, should comprise the southern shore of the Lake of Geneva, and the Alpine passes to the Valais.

To such a cession the French Government have declared they will not con

sent.

The argument upon which this refusal is founded is the vote of the people of Faucigny, Chablais, and the Genevois. But the mode in which this vote was taken deprives it, in the eyes of Her Majesty's Government, of all authority. Had the population been asked whether they would remain under the House of Savoy, or prefer to become subjects of the Emperor of the French, the answer might have been doubtful. But when the King of Sardinia had already absolved them from their allegiance, discarded them as his subjects. and ceded them by Treaty, the only question which remained was between

France and anarchy. No alternative was offered, and no real choice could take place.

Her Majesty's Government omit all argument as to the propriety of a vote by universal suffrage for the purpose of confirming a Treaty. It is the first instance of such a proceeding, and the circumstances have not been such as to encourage a repetition of it.

The question remains, what is to be done?

Her Majesty's Government are not of opinion that Switzerland, even if she had the means, would have the right to resist the occupation of the neutralized parts of Savoy by the French civil and military authorities.

But Her Majesty's Government must decline to take any step which may confer any additional validity on the Treaty of Turin of the 24th of March. In their opinion, that Treaty weakens Switzerland, and diminishes one of the securities of Europe for the maintenance of Swiss neutrality.

If a Conference of the European Powers is summoned, your Excellency will attend it on the part of Great Britain. But in the Conference But in the Conference your Excellency will hold no other language than that which is contained in this and my former despatches.

If the Conference should not be envoked, Her Majesty's Government will instruct you further; and in that case you will inform me of the reasons for which the Government of France declines to summon a meeting of the Great Powers, which the Federal Council of Switzerland has so constantly demanded.

You will, of course, fully understand that nothing is changed in that part of the Treaty of Vienna which binds the Powers who were Parties to it to maintain the neutrality of Switzerland.

I am, &c.,

(Signed) J. RUSSELL.

Report Made to the Emperor by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Regarding the Treaty of Turin.

SIRE,

J'ai l'honneur de soumettre à V. M. le décret de promulgation du Traité signé à Turin le 24 mars dernier, et en vertu duquel S. M. le Roi VictorEmmanuel, en transférant à l'Em

1 De Clercq, Recueil, vol. 8, p. 32.

June 11, 1860 1

SIRE,

1

I have the honor to submit to Your Majesty the decree promulgating the treaty signed at Turin on the 24th of March last, in virtue of which His Majesty King Victor Emanuel,

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