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manner, May we not hence guess, that here was Bremenúm?" But his chief guide in these matters, the old Itinerary of Antoninus, presented “ an overpowering evidence to be struggled with.” This author describes the iter, of which Bremenium is the first town, as beginning from a certain wall, which was then the boundary of the Roman Empire in these parts, a Limite, id est, a Vallo. He was therefore well aware, that the admission of Bremenium in any situation, not connected with the wall, must be a contradiction to this ancient writer. And how is this dishculty surmounted by him ? Is it not by supposing " the words, id est a Vallo, a gloss of some transcriber, since Bremenium lies fourteen miles beyond it:" Can any unprejndiced reader believe, that this great man was not much pressed, before he could prevail upon himself to resort to so desperate an expedient to remove evidence, which he could not contradicted? Nor did Horsley admit this situation of Bremenium without difficulty. He saw 'no reason to think a Vallo an interpolation. He observes « a Limite, and a Vallo, seem to be equivalent one to: the other, by the explanatory insertion of, id est, and, I believe, signify no nuore than the most advanced station on the north side of the wall, but not very distant from it. In the expression a Vallo, the word Vallam seems to denote the term, from which the iter was directed, but with some latitude so as not strictly to signify the Vallum itself, but any place within a moderate distance from it." But why alf this struggle to give such a forced and unnatural interpretation of the phrase a Vallo? Is it not a proof that whatever scheme will shew a Vallo, a Limite, and a Bremenio to signify the same spot, must be the most satisfactory solution of these difficulties. I shalt only add, that the situation I have proposed for Bremenium is tot opposed either by Ptolemy, Ravennas, or any antient writer. The inscription is the only argument in any way. doubtful, and that, I am still persuaded, is more in favour of New castle, than of Riechester, where it was found. I have carefully re-examined the inseriptions, which contain the names Bracchio and Habitanci, and find no ground from tbe remarks of the Reviewer to change my opinion of them.
From Bremenium, and the inscriptions, the criticism passes to the second iter. This begins like the first a Vallo, and Camden has assigned a probable situation for the first town. Settin out from this town, the numbers of Antoninus appeared to me to ascertain the position of the five succeeding towns. But a very strong objection presented itself in the generally received opinion, that Cars lisle occupies the site of the Roman Luguvallium, the third town in the Itinerary, and not that of Castra Exploratorym, the second, which my scheme would place there. It became then necessary to consider the proofs, which have given rise to the idea, that Carlisle. was the remains of Luguvallium, rather than of Castra Exploratorum, The result was the discovery, that there was no positive, or even probable, proof of this fact, and I accordingly found myself at liberty to propose that arrangement of the towns, which the Itinerary points out.
Camden, speaking of Carliste, tells us, " the Romans and Britorts called this city Lugubakum, the Saxons, as Bede witnesses, Luel." For an assertion so positive, I could not but persuade myself, that this learned man must have had an adequate anthority. And this he appeared to me to derive from Bede, whose works I was not then able to obtain a sight of. I was therefore obliged to reason from the supposition, that this author, writing in a very dark age, might possibly be mistaken with respect to the Roman name of this town. "But I have now had the works of this venerable Monk sometime in my possession, and had the satisfaction to find, that he has given no ground whatever for this opinion. Bede's Luguballia, called by the Saxons corruptly Luel, is not more certain as to its situation than Antonine's. He mentions two visits paid by St. Cuthbert to Laguballia. But he has not laid down the smallest trace of the journey of this prelate, to guide us to it. He does not most remotely hint at any connection it had with any other town. He has, indeed, related a fact, which gives reason to look for this old city, at no great distance from Derwentwater Lake, which lies close to Keswich, in Cumberland. He informs us, that * Cuthbert had å friend a hermit, who lived upon an island in this take, who, when he heard of Cuthbert's Anival, at Luguballia, came to pay his spects to him." This relation intimates no great distance between these places, and is very favourable to the situation I have assigned to Luguvallium on the authority of Antonine- The map of the Itinerary will skew, that a secluded hermit, at Galava, would brear of any circumstance at my Luguvallium with much more probability, than at Carlisle, where it has been usually placed. I do rrot, however, lay any great stress upon this argument though it is more than equal to some, which my Reviewer has dignified with the title of demonstrations. But in giving this new place to Luguvalliem, this critic brings a very formidable charge against me; even that “ I act in contradiction to myself;" that * I throw down opinions, on which I had rested before, and think and act the very reverse;" nay, that “ I am still more unfortunate. An iter even of Antonines comes up to stop the march of this moving city, and to call out new powers of perversion in the author of its march. The fifth iter interposes to place Luguvallium expressly ad Vallum, and we who have seen the stress laid upon the same kind of expression before, cannot now but anticipate in thought, how readily, at the sight, the author will wheel about with his city, and how hastily he will retreat with it into its old lines again. But we have judged too hastily of Mr. Reynolds. He scorns to yiell and disdains to y. He is a true soldier of Muscovy."
In this passage the Reviewer acknowledges, that he has judged too hastily of me. In my opinion his whole criticisin wears the same character. He must have read my work very superficially to suppose, that I did not attend to the ad Vallum of the fifth iter in settling the new situation of Luguvallium in the second. I have, indeed, laid some stress upon the phrase a Vallo, but I cannot per
ceive in what manner I contradict myself, when I do not admit ad Vallum to have precisely the same signification. Ainsworth shews in his Dictionary, that the preposition ad is used by authors in twenty-two senses. The seventh of these is near to?-which I have admitted as the meaning, which Antoninus must have intended in this place, as he had before settled the site of Luguvallium at the distance of twelve miles from the wall. We have here certainly no obligation, as in the phrase a Vallo, to suppose the town attached to the wall. Nor is this the situation of Carlisle. That town, according to Paterson's British Itinerary, lies at least half a mile from the wall. Surila, the Spanish Commentator, who had not the same prejudices with the Reviewer to contend with, did not think a distance of twenty-five miles incompatible with this phrase. And I have ventured to urge, that “in a journey of almost five hundred miles, a town may be literally said to be near to any object, though it should prove to be twelvę miles from it, and that a person in London would speak with sufficient accuracy in making the situation of a town in the North of England, if he said it was near Newcastle, or Carlisle, though it should be even farther than old Penrith, (more commonly called Plumpton Wall) is from the Picts Wall.” This our critic, in great wrath, calls “an idle and irrelevant argument, because the Itinerary is a regular mensuration of distances, “and in such a mensuration, a journey of five hundred or even five thousand miles, could make no excuse for placing a town twelve miles from its true position. What comparison can there be between such a mensuration, and the gossiping tales of a Londoner about a town near Newcastle or Carlisle?" Here rage rather got the better of reason, or it would have been perceived, that the words ad Vallum can make no difference in the mensuration. They can neither increase nor diminish the distance of the town. They are merely descriptive of the situation of it. And the propriety of the expression must depend upon the intervening space.
Á place could not be properly described in this manner in a journey of thirty or forty miles. In a distance of five hundred miles, a distance
a of twelve miles in description, though not in mensuration, becomes a small space. Surita's idea, considering that he lived in Spain, is perfectly natural. And Antoninus, writing at Rome, might have described Eboracum as near the boundary of the Empire without
any absurdity, though it stands a hundred miles from that point. The propriety of this way of speaking must depend upon the distance of the speaker, and has no reference to the mensuration in any way whatever.
I could add many more observations upon this singular piece of criticism, but I am afraid 'I have already exceeded your limits. I have endeavoured to keep to consequentials, and of these I have passed over several, not for want of ability to answer them, but for want of room. I cannot, indeed, perceive, that there is one solid argument urged against me in the whole Review. It is strong only in abuse, and in language equally indecorous for a gentleman, and a scholar, to give, or to receive.
If the lateness of this communication for your work should be thought to require an' apology, mine is the same with Mr. Jones's friend, A. 1. N. I doubted whether you would give it admission. · The twenty-seventh Article in the September Anti-Jacobin, has removed that doubt, and I now finish a letter which I actually be. gan in the month of February, and had long laid aside, but now hope to see in your work as soon as convenient.
The MARQUIS DE BOUILLE: "HE MARQUIS De Boville was borri at the Chatean du Cluzel,
, giving him birih, and his father having survived her loss but a few years, he was left to the care of his paternal uncle, at that time · Dean to the Counts of Lyon, and first Almoner to the King, and afterwards Bishop of Autun; who fent him to the college of Louis THE GREAT which was under the direction of the Jesuits, and, when he was fixteen, bought for him a troop of dragoons, in the regiment de la Ferronays. In 1758 he went with his regiment to join the Count de Clermont, who had been just defeated at Crevelt. M. de Bouillé diitinguished himself, during that war, on every occasion which the active service of the light troops afforded him, and, particularly, -at the affair of Grumberg; in March 1761, where, at the head of the van-guard of dragoons, which he commanded, he pierced a strong column of the enemy; composed of several thousand men, under the command of the hereditary Prince (now Duke) of Brunswick ; toek feveral pieces of cannon and several colours, and paved the way for the decisive advantage obtained, on that day, by the French over the Allies. He received, as a reward for his services, the brevet-rank of Colonel ; had the honour of presenting the captured colours to the King; and was promised the first regiment that should fall vacant. Accordingly, at the conclusion of the campaignt, he was appointed Colonel of the regiment of M. de Vaftan, who had been killed at the siege of Brunswick. This regiment (of infantry) bore his naine till the end of the war, when it took the name of-Vexin,
In 1768, when he was only twenty-eight years of age, he was made Governor of Guadeloupe, and by his government of that Colony, he so far acquired the esteem and confidence of M. de Emery, Gover. nor-general of the French islands; an officer diftinguifhed for his talents and his knowledge, that when he was, some time after, appointed to the
governinent of St. Domingo, he represented M. de Bouillé to the Ministers as the man who was best qualified to succeed him, in the event of hi ath. In fact, that officer dying in 1777, M. de Bouille was appointed to succeed him ; but some Court intrigue having induced the Minister to adopt a different arrangement, and the war with Engo NO, XXXII, VOL. VIII,
land being on the point of breaking out, he was nominated Governor of Martinique and St. Lucie, with power to take the command of all the windward illes as soon as hoftilities should commerce. War was declared in 1778, and M. de Bouillé signalized its opening by the capture of Dominique, in September in the same year. In 1781 he took Tobago and St. Euftatios. The boldness and success of this last expedition were not more remarkable than the disinterested conduct of M. de Bouillé, in restoring to the Dutch merchants and planters, 250,000, which Admiral Rodney had seized when he reduced the iNand in the preceding year. In 1778 he took St. Christopher, and the adjacent isles of Nevis and Montserrat, and was, in consequence, promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-general. In April 1782, he went to form a junction with the Spanish General, Don Galvez, in order to attack Jamaica with 25,000 men, when the defeat of M. de Grasse by Admiral Rodney, totally disconcerted the plan, and gave a change to the war which had hitherto been so fortunate for France. During its continuance, M. de Bouillé did not distinguish himself less by his generosity, and magnaniinous conduct to the enemy, than by his military atchievements; and he was not less useful to the colonies which he governed, by the tranquillity which they enjoyed through his vigi
ance and the influence of his name, than by the labours of his admimiftration.
During the war, an English frigate was shipwrecked off Martinique, and the officers and crew having faved themselves in the boats and Janded on the island, went to surrender themselves to the Governor. But M. de Bouillé, having informed himself of the means by which they came into his power, generously observed to the Captain, that if it had been his fate to have taken them in battle he should have recom ceived them as prisoners, but he scorned to profit by the misfortunes of an enemy, and, as the case was, he begged to have the honour of receiving them as guests. He accordingly treated them with the greatest hospitality; and, by the first opportunity, fent them back to an English island! What a contrat does the conduct of his loyal Frenchman afford to that of French Republicans, on funilar occasions !
On the conclusion of peace, in 1783, he returned to France and was included, by the King, in the first liit of promotions, of the Knights of the Holy Ghost. His Majesty wishing, at the same time, to confer a more solid mark of his favour on M. de Bouillé, ordered the Minister of the Marine Department, to enquire the amount of the debts wliich he knew M. de Bouillé had contracted, instead of enriching himself, as he might have done, during the war. These debts amounted to more than 20,000l. sterling; and the King offered to pay them, but M. de Bouillé, with his usual difintereltedness, rejected the offer, refusing to become burdenfome to the State which he had the good fortune to serve.
In 1784, he came to England where he was received with that attention and respect which, from his virtues and his conduct, he fo richly deserved ; and he carried away with him the most honourable marks of she eíteem of all who had an opportunity of witnesing zboss virtues and that conduct during the waf.