The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965-1989Cambridge University Press, 13 mars 2006 Building on Schmitz's earlier work, Thank God They're on our Side, this is an examination of American policy toward right-wing dictatorships from the 1960s to the end of the Cold War. During the 1920s American leaders developed a policy of supporting authoritarian regimes because they were seen as stable, anti-communist, and capitalist. After 1965, however, American support for these regimes became a contested issue. The Vietnam War served to undercut the logic and rationale of supporting right-wing dictators. By systematically examining US support for right-wing dictatorships in Africa, Latin America, Europe, and Asia, and bringing together these disparate episodes, this book examines the persistence of older attitudes, the new debates brought about by the Vietnam War, and the efforts to bring about changes and an end to automatic US support for authoritarian regimes. |
Table des matières
| 117 | |
same year the Idaho senator chaired the Senate Select Committee | 122 |
Fords actions were nonetheless popular with the public The White | 128 |
the committee highlighted the 1954 Doolittle Report President Eisenhower had | 132 |
Bundy however was not willing to give up on the | 140 |
5 | 143 |
revelations aboutthe American role in the overthrow of the Allende | 166 |
used in fashioning policy toward the Peoples Republic of China | 191 |
6 | 194 |
Constructive Engagement and South Africa | 217 |
Autres éditions - Tout afficher
The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965-1989 David F. Schmitz Aucun aperçu disponible - 2006 |
The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965-1989 David F. Schmitz Aucun aperçu disponible - 2006 |
Expressions et termes fréquents
administration administration’s Allende American foreign policy American interests American officials American policy American support Andreas Papandreou apartheid assistance authoritarian regimes believed Botha Brzezinski Bundy Carter Chile Chile Declassification Project Chilean Church Church Committee claimed Cold War communist concern conflict Congo Congress constructive engagement continued coup crisis critics democracy democratic Department difficult economic efforts El Salvador fighting find first forces Ford Greece human rights policy Ibid Indonesia influence Iran Johnson junta Kissinger Latin America LBJL leaders Lumumba Marcos military Mobutu moderate National Security Council Nicaragua Nixon Doctrine noted NSF:CF office opposition Papandreou Philippines Pinochet political president Presidential problems Public Papers Reagan reform RNPM Rostow Rusk Salvador Sandinistas Secretary Senate September shah shah’s significant Somoza South Africa South Vietnam Soviet Union stability Suharto Sukarno support for right-wing Third World tion U.S. Congress United Vance Vietnam Vietnam War Washington
Fréquemment cités
Page 88 - Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Page 235 - The national security of all the Americas is at stake in Central America. If we cannot defend ourselves there, we cannot expect to prevail elsewhere. Our credibility would collapse, our alliances would crumble, and the safety of our homeland would be put in jeopardy.
Page 129 - States, none of the funds appropriated by this Act shall be used to finance the introduction of American ground combat troops into Laos or Thailand.
Page 68 - US there can be no permanent modus vivendi, that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure.
Page 128 - Let historians not record that when America was the most powerful nation in the world we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism. And so tonight — to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans — I ask for your support.
Page 144 - It is now clear that we are facing an implacable enemy whose avowed objective is world domination by whatever means and at whatever cost. There are no rules in such a game. Hitherto acceptable norms of human conduct do not apply. If the United States is to survive, long-standing American concepts of "fair play
Page 87 - I call it the Madman Theory, Bob. I want the North Vietnamese to believe I've reached the point where I might do anything to stop the war. We'll just slip the word to them that, 'for God's sake, you know Nixon is obsessed about Communism. We can't restrain him when he's angry— and he has his hand on the nuclear button'— and Ho Chi Minh himself will be in Paris in two days begging for peace.
Page 157 - Agency for operations in foreign countries, other than activities intended solely for obtaining necessary intelligence, unless and until the President finds that each such operation is important to the national security of the United States and reports, in a timely fashion, a description and scope of such operation to the appropriate committees of the Congress...