Democracy and Revolution: Latin America and Socialism TodayPluto Press, 20 juil. 2006 - 280 pages Is socialism dead since the fall of the Soviet Union? What is the way forward for the Left? Raby argues that Cuba and above all Venezuela provide inspiration for anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist movements across the world. Another World Is Possible, but only through an effective political strategy to win power on a popular and democratic basis. Raby argues passionately that the way forward for progressives is not the dogmatic formulae of the Old Left, nor in the spontaneous autonomism of John Holloway or Tony Negri. Instead, it is to be found in new, broad and flexible popular movements with bold and determined leadership. Examining the relationship of key leaders to their people, including Hugo Chávez and the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, Raby shows that it is more necessary than ever to take power, peacefully where possible, but in all cases with the strength that comes from popular unity backed by force where necessary. In this way it is possible to build democratic power, which may or may not be socialist depending on one’s definition, but which represent the real anti-capitalist alternative for the twenty-first century. |
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Page 49
... puntofijismo ( as the system was known from its foundation in the 1958 Pact of Punto Fijo ) but the fact that all parties ( including after 1994 the Radical Cause ) pursued IMF - style neo - liberal policies despite repeatedly ...
... puntofijismo ( as the system was known from its foundation in the 1958 Pact of Punto Fijo ) but the fact that all parties ( including after 1994 the Radical Cause ) pursued IMF - style neo - liberal policies despite repeatedly ...
Page 136
... puntofijismo became , as it would remain almost to the end , a two - party system monopolised by AD and COPEI . Betancourt blamed both the MIR and the Communists for the unrest , suspending constitutional guarantees and driving the PCV ...
... puntofijismo became , as it would remain almost to the end , a two - party system monopolised by AD and COPEI . Betancourt blamed both the MIR and the Communists for the unrest , suspending constitutional guarantees and driving the PCV ...
Page 142
... puntofijismo , since both main parties were seen as out - of - touch and indifferent to the suffering of the majority . CAP had succeeded in turning a social and economic crisis into a crisis of regime . It is important to understand ...
... puntofijismo , since both main parties were seen as out - of - touch and indifferent to the suffering of the majority . CAP had succeeded in turning a social and economic crisis into a crisis of regime . It is important to understand ...
Table des matières
When Liberalism | 20 |
Revolutionary Reality in | 56 |
Originality and Relevance of the Cuban Revolution | 77 |
Droits d'auteur | |
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achieve agrarian reform Allende alternative anti-capitalist April armed forces armed struggle Assembly Báez Batista bloc Bolivarian circles Bolivarian revolution bourgeois bureaucratic capital capitalist Caracas caracazo cent charismatic chavistas Che Guevara Chile Communist Party Constitution corruption countries coup crisis crucial Cuba Cuban revolution decisive declared delegates despite dictatorship economic elections electoral elite emerged enterprises expression favour Fidel Castro FSLN guerrilla Havana Hugo Chávez ideology independent issue Latin America leader leadership Left liberal majority Marxist mass military mobilisation municipal nationalised neo-liberal Nicaragua oligarchy opposition organisations participatory democracy Perón political parties politicians popular democratic popular movement popular participation popular power populism populist President programme progressive puntofijismo radical Raúl Castro recognise reformist regime representatives Revolución revolutionary movement revolutionary process Sandinista sectors social Socialist Soviet strategy structure traditional transformation Trotskyist uprising Vasco Gonçalves Venezuela victory vote workers