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difcontent, delufion, and extravagancies feemed to gain ground; they have fpread over the land, under circumstances which ought to have produced the moft oppofite effects; and no longer ago than laft fummer, if we may give any credit to public prints, Ireland appeared to have neither conftitution nor government, nor common fenfe. Aggregate or other meetings had announc ed that a total change was neceffary, that the parliaments were bad, that they were dependent, and this fhortly after parliament had afferted the independence of the legislature, and had gained more popular advantages for the country than all the parliaments of Ireland ever had done.'

After the account we have given of these Obfervations, it is unneceffary to add, that lord Sheffield's acquaintance with the present state of Ireland is fo extenfive, that it cannot but imprefs us with a high opinion of the patriotifm which muft have animated him to the profecution of fuch a laborious refearch. Many of his lordship's obfervations throw light on the subject of commercial intercourfe, now under the confideration of parliament; but are particularly useful towards elucidating the interefts of Ireland, in almost every object of national concern. So much investigation, and fo judiciously conducted, remains an honourable proof of industry exerted in endeavouring to promote the public good.

The propofed System of Trade with Ireland explained. 8vo. Is. 6d. Robinson.

Ta time when the commercial intercourfe of Great BriA tain and Ireland awaits the decifion of parliament, it is not improbable, that many who with the profperity of their own country, may entertain apprehenfions with regard to the effect of the regulations propofed by the minifter; whilst others, perhaps, though not really difapproving of thofe meafures, may be induced from private motives to propagate fuch apprehenfions, with the view of embarraffing adminiftration. To obviate as much as poffible these fources of complaint, and to enable the public to form a juft eftimate of the propofed fyftem, no method can be more proper than to divest the fubject of all mifreprefentation, and to ftate fairly both the nature and the probable effect of the meafares which it is the intention of the cabinet to purfue. The pamphlet now before us is profeffedly written with this defign; and we fhall therefore give fuch an account of it as the importance of the subject, and the fatisfaction of our readers may require.

The opinions of those who object to the propofed fyftem are fo various, and appear to have fo little foundation, that it is not easy to collect the fubftance of their apprehenfions; they

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muft, however, mean to contend, that it will have a dangerous operation on the navigation and the commerce of this country. It is, therefore, proper to thew the prefent fituation of Ireland, with the means by which he has attained it; the one she withes to be placed in, and the probable effects which the whole arrangement will have, if completed, on our manufactures, our trade, and our fhipping.

Ireland is, at this time, an independent kingdom, in poffeffion of a conftitution as free as the one we have the happiness to enjoy, with a right to trade with every nation on earth, which chufes to trade with her. The connection which fubfifts between her and this country induces her however, to restrain herself in many inftances, and to confine her consumption to the produce of Great Britain and her colonies, for the mutual advantage of the two countries.

Ireland being therefore in poffeffion of a right to a free trade with all the world, fhe complains of restraints fill imposed on her by Great Britain, in whofe favour she has reftrained herself. Great conceffions, it is true, have been made to her within these few years, during a former administration; they were made, however, but as neceffity compelled them; without fyftem, without concert, and without even previously knowing what fatisfaction they would afford her; much less was any attempt made to obtain the smallest advantage in return: nothing was ever attended-to, but on the preffure of the moment; when her calls were loud and alarming, an expedient was to be thought of to stop them; in that manner the obtained the acts of 18 Geo. III. ch. 55, and the 20th Geo. III. ch. 10. Under the laft, the derived the most important benefit of all, a direct trade to the British colonies, infinitely more valuable to her than every thing which, from that time, remained to be given to her. It is not intended here to cenfure that measure in the smallest degree, but to insist that it should have formed but a part of a final fettlement, which might then have been concluded with infinitely lefs difficulty than now; Great Britain having thus relieved Ireland fo far, by opening to her a free trade to the British colonies in Africa and America, upon the fame terms on which the trades with them herfelf; the now requests, as a completion of the measure, that Great Britain will remove the remaining reftrictions which ftill fetter her trade, urging as the basis of her claim, equality in trade, for monopoly of confumption.

This equality was intended to have been proposed by lord North, in the year 1779, if he had poffeffed energy enough to have perfected a fyftem of any fort; but as that could not be done without an accurate investigation, and minute inquiries, the decifion was from time to time delayed till within twentyfour hours of the Irish bufinefs being opened in the house of commons in that year, notwithstanding an unanimous addrefs had been prefented to the king at the clofe of the preceding

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fefiion, "recommending to his majesty's moft ferious confideration, the diftreffed and impoverished ftate of the loyal and well-deferving people of Ireland; and to direct that there be prepared, and laid before parliament, fuch particulars, relative to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain and ireland, as to enable the national wisdom to purfue effectual measures, for the common ftrength, wealth, and commerce of his majesty's fabjects in both kingdoms;" and his majesty's anfwer," that he would give directions accordingly;" a determination was then at length fuddenly taken, to give the boon jutt mentioned, without the promised information. As foon, however, as the measure was refolved on, another of his majesty's minifters, who highly approved of it, fent off the pleafing intelligence to Ireland; and it was actually known to the merchants of Dublin, Cork, and Waterford, before the lord lieutenant had advice of it. A benefit, fo bestowed and communicated, was eltimated by the Irish naturally enough, much below its real vaJue, and the full effect of it was confequently loft.

While the ports of Ireland are open to receive from Great Britain every species of commodity, whether the produce of Great Britain and her colonies, or any other part of Europe, Afia, Africa, and America; Great Britain, either by an interpretation of the navigation act or fubfequent laws, by actual prohibitions, or by prohibitions arifing from duties, huts her ports against Ireland in thofe articles of commerce which Ireland admits freely from her.

This inequality is complained of by Ireland, as unwife as well as oppreffive; the defires therefore that the may be at liberty to import into Great Britain every fpecies of goods, whether raw materials or manufactures, which Great Britain can import into Ireland upon equal terms reciprocally.

The articles in which Ireland is retrained may be divided into two kinds.

Ift, All articles the produce of the British Colonies in Afia, Africa, and America; and

Idly, Certain articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture, as well of Great Britain as of Ireland.

- Ireland is reftrained in the firft by an interpretation of the navigation act, as explained by the twenty-fecond and twentythird of Charles the Second, ch. 26. and the Irish acts of fourteenth and fifteenth Charles the Second; and in the last by ac-. tual prohibitions, or by prohibitory duties.'

After thus ftating the commercial fituation of Ireland, the author next obferves, that the mofl proper way of examining how far the intended conceffions may affect the trade of Great Britain, will be to fhow how the law ftands at prefent with regard 10 each propofition, and how it will likewife ftand hereafter; pointing out the particular objects of produce or manufacture,

which will be affected by the alteration, and then to confider each particularly.

• Much contrariety of opinion, fays he, has been held in Great Britain and Ireland about the interpretation of the navigation act, as to its permitting the produce of Afia, Africa, and America, to be carried to Ireland through Great Britain,› but reftraining the fame produce being brought to Great Britain through Ireland. The conftruction, however, in both countries, has invariably been, that, the words "foreign growth,". &c. do not relate to goods, &c. the growth, produce, or manufacture of Europe; and the practice has always been accordingly to admit fuch goods, from the one country into the other, upon the fame duties as they would be fubject to from the place of their growth.

If the law is now to be altered, to put both countries on the fame footing, it will follow that Ireland will apparently acquire a liberty of exporting to Great Britain' the produce of Afia, Africa, and America.

The trade of Great Britain can, however, be affected only in articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the two laft-mentioned quarters of the world; becaufe fhe has by her own laws reftrained her importation of Afiatic produce from all places except Great Britain, giving the Eaft India company a monopoly of her confumption; and the goods of Europe have always been admitted without interruption from the one country into the other.

With refpect to Africa, there exifts at prefent no trade or intercourfe between it and Ireland; nor is there much profpect of any; as there is, however, a poflibility of one, it fhall be. confidered with the trade of America, which is of confiderable extent with Ireland.

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By the laws of both kingdoms, as they now ftand, Ireland has a right to export all her produce and manufacture to Africa and America, and to import from thence all articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of thofe countries; and having imported them into Ireland, he can again export them to all parts of the world to which Great Britain can lend them; which import and export trade is, as to duties and drawbacks, precifely the fame in both countries. Nothing then is defired by Ireland, or given by Great Britain, as to the general trade between Ireland, Africa, and America; or between Ireland and the reft of the world.

The mischief therefore to be dreaded, is reduced to the ap prehenfion, that the produce of the colonies will be brought often through Ireland. This mult arife either from Ireland becoming the carriers of African and American goods for the merchants of Great Britain, or from her being able to import them upon her own capital, and fend them into Great Britain upon fuch terms as to enable her to underfell the British merchants in their own markets.

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To form a true judgment how far this apprehenfion is grounded, we must confider the present fituation of the Irish in this refpect. They can now import directly into Great Briain, in Irish fhips navigated according to law, all the produce of Africa and America, exactly on the fame terms as the merchants of England; they can also import thefe goods in Irish fhips into Ireland, where they are subject to the fame duties as here; can invoice any part of the cargo to be landed there, and the remainder to be fent to any part of Great Britain. How then can the carrying-trade be affected by the prefent queftion because, whether the extenfion is admitted or not, Ireland can equally carry both directly from the colonies, and circuitously, as above ftated, all the produce thereof. And this will tend equally to fhew, that this alteration cannot enable her to fend fuch produce into Great Britain upon cheaper terms than the imports it at prefent; for the only benefit that would arife to Ireland by it would be, that fhe might then land the produce of Africa and America in her own ports; and, if at the time that her merchants should want to dispose of it, there fhould be a better market in Britain than in Ireland, fhe might fend it there to a poffible advantage; to a certain one the never could, as the prices of fugars fluctuate too confiderably in the London market, for any reliance to be had on their keeping up long enough for a veffel to perform a voyage from Cork or Waterford to this city.

It appears, therefore, that the profpect of advantages to be derived to Ireland are not particularly flattering in this part of the arrangement. She may, however, be benefited without any injury to England, unless it can be fhewn that it is a difadvantage to the latter, that the produce fhould not bear a price above its natural value in her own market; Ireland will, it is true, in future, have the fame advantage of the English market as we have of theirs; and no good reafon can be given why they fhould not, in perfecting a fyftem of equality of trade. If that circumftance fhould ever have the effect of reducing the prices of colony produce, it will enable the exportation of it to foreign countries on better terms.

Great stress is laid on the advantageous fituation of Ireland for carrying on trade with Africa and America; and it is urged, that he can import articles from thence much cheaper than England, confequently that the will underfell Great Britain. Nothing, however, can be lefs true. Admitting even that he can import from thence for her own confumption, on more favourable terms than Great Britain can for her's; yet it is demonftrable, that the argument does not apply to her fupplying England, unless it is contended, that the fhorteft and cheapest way of importing goods from Africa and America to this country is, by carrying them first into a port in Ireland, and then bringing them from thence to a port here. Such reafoning is too grofs for the blindeft prejudice. • The

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