pelled to pay a fine for leave to export corn, leather, cheese, or any other commodity; to remove corn from one county to another; to fell dyed cloth, or to falt fifh in a particular manner. The king's officers were feldom to be approached by the fubjects without a prefent in their hands, though this was fometimes extremely trifling. When nothing of greater value could be extorted, they stooped to receive a hawk, hound, or a few fowls, for granting what juftice and public utility required.

The next chapter prefents us with remarks on the period,: from the acceffion of Henry the Third, to the reign of Henrythe Seventh. Both the Charter of Liberty, and that of the Forest, were favourable to the prosperity of the nation, and served to encourage improvements in agriculture, as well as to extend the bounds of commerce. The rigour of villainage, fo pernicious to liberal industry, received fome abatement; and men began to exert themfelves with greater fpirit in the acquifition of property, which they could now more fecurely enjoy, under the protection of laws better calculated than they bad been of late for the prefervation of public freedom. But it was long before the prejudices of a martial people could be perfectly reconciled to the peaceable occupations of commerce.

In the period which is the fubject of the fixth and last chap-. ter, namely, from the acceflion of Henry the Seventh to the end of the reign of queen Elizabeth, the profperity of the nation, both in agriculture and commerce, advanced with quicker steps than had been known in any former epoch of the English history.

The enlarged ftate of commerce, fays the author, gave an influence to the mercantile ftate of the nation. Enabled, by the profits of their traffic abroad, to affift the crown with money in the tines of public exigence, they met with that encouragement from the fovereign, and refpect from the parliament, which will always be attendant on wealth. And by the fame means they obtained an influence in the legislature; and though they were not always guided by public intereft, yet they affifted in fuggefting and applying the properet measures for maintaining and enlarging the commerce of the nation. The charters of the boroughs and oorporate towns, and monopolies in fome branches of trade, granted by the crown, impeded for a time the progrefs of commerce, both at home and abroad; but the influence of the corporations was fo great, and exclufiye charters to trading companies were thought fo ufeful or neceffary, that they met with little oppofition from the parliament. When many patents and monopolies were fuppreffed by Elizabeth, the chartered powers of corporations and trading companies, though at that time almost equally oppreffive, paffed unnoticed; or, if abufes were complained of,

they

they were never redreffed. Trade, nevertheless,, under all thefe reftrictions, kept gradually increasing, and making an addition to the wealth and number of the people. So many new connections were formed by our merchants in foreign countries, that an interruption of trade in one place was regained by its progrefs in another. While Spain was neglecting its ma nufactures and agriculture, and relying for its chief fupport on the produce of its American mines, England was laying the foundation of a more durable power, in its commerce, navy,' and industry of its people.

⚫ And the landowners felt the influence of an extended commerce, and of the improved circumftances of the inferior rank of fubjects. Thefe were enabled now by the profits of their labour to purchase the products of the lands and the conveniences of life at higher rates, and to live in a more comfortable manner, than in preceding ages. The nobility and gentry, having now no longer occafion for the fervice of their tenants and vaffals, augmented their rents, and enforced an induftry to which they had not been accustomed. And the high price of grain, by permitting its export, enabled them to discharge this advance of their rents. Instead of the villains and cottagers, a body of yeomen began to be formed, whofe circumstances permitted them to occupy larger farms, to cultivate them in a better manner, and to make a more ample provifion for the fupport of their families. A bare fubfiftence had been the lot of almost all the ancient occupiers. Their farms were too fmall to afford more, and their circumstances were too mean for undertaking the management of a larger quantity of land, that might have yielded a more comfortable maintenance.

The improving ftate of our trade, manufactures, and hufbandry, imper eptibly emancipated the defcendents of the ancient villains or ferfs, who, although free as to their persons, were ftill confidered in fome places as annexed to the manor. There were now fo many ways of obtaining their liberty, by engaging in the navy, manufactories, and other occupations, that they could not be held any longer in confinement. The boroughs, though at that time the feats of monopolies and oppreffion, or, as lord Bacon ftyles them, fraternities in evil, had long received the fugitives from the lands and tyranny of the barons, and by a year's refidence fecured their liberty. And the free and improved ftate of the lower claffes of the people led them to industry; and this introduced regularity and order. The nation feemed to be rouzed from its former inactivity, and ready to engage in any undertaking that promifed an improve-ment in its late. And the commons, who had formerly been depreffed by the aristocracy, were now enabled by their wealth to acquire fo much influence in the legislature, as to controul the exorbitant power and prerogative of the crown, which, if unrestrained, might have been fatal to liberty and the public welfare.'

VOL. LIX. April, 1785.

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The remarks in thefe volumes may be confidered as a general history of the agriculture and commerce of England, to the beginning of the feventeenth century. The fubject, feparately viewed, affords no brilliant incidents which can prove interesting to curiofity; but it places in a clear light the neceffaty connexion between thofe ufeful arts and that state of public freedom, in which alone they ever can fourish in any extraordinary degree. Most of the obfervations contained in this production are to be found in Dr. Henry's History of Great Britain, and other works; but they have the advantage of being collected by the author of the Remarks in an uninterrupted detail.

An Efay on the Polity of England. 8vo. 6s. in Boards. Cadell. Numerous are the encomiums and remarks, which have

been made on the British conftitution, both by foreign and domestic writers; and amidst all its defects, this celebrated fyftem of polity, hardly known even in idea to the ancients, remains the admiration of modern times. Some public events and popular doctrines having of late years called the attention of political enquirers to the principles of our government, the author of the prefent Effay appears to have engaged in the fame difquifition, with the laudable view of afcertaining the grievances complained of, and pointing out the most ef fectual remedies. It affords us pleafure to find, at fetting out, that he explodes the odious diftinction of the king's friends, and the friends of the people; and profeffes to write as a friend to the conflitution, or, in other words, a friend both to the king and the people. This is the only rational and unprejudiced manner of treating the fubject; and they who are governed by any other principle of enquiry, let them affect or really be actuated by the greatest zeal, adhere not to the interefts of their country.

The author begins with taking a view of the executive power; in confidering which he endeavours to evince, that the English government, though apparently monarchical, is, in reality, rather a republic. But by this affertion, we understand him to mean nothing more than that the power of the house of commons, particularly in granting the supplies, amounts to a virtual afcendency in this branch of the legiflature.

In a word, fays he, in England, the king is called fovereign; yet, in truth, the real, fupreme, irrefiftible, abfolute, uncontroulable authority, in which the jara fummi imperii, or the rights of fovereignty, refide, is vefted, not in the monarch

only,

only, but in the king, lords, and commons united in other words, in the legislature. The king is, in fact, little more than the great administrator of the government, or executive power it may, therefore, perhaps justly be questioned, whether the appellation of fovereign hath, in reality, producedthat refpect which was intended; or, by attributing to him the fole power of government, it hath not rather leffened the efteem for his authority; and by directing the people of late years, in their fearch for a redrefs of grievances, to a wrong object, it hath not contributed to the increafe of our misfortunes, rather than afforded the means of redrefs.'

The author next takes a view of the origin of the English conftitution, under the feudal fyftem of government; obferving that, as a rule of civil polity, this fyftem was extremely defective; and that in confequence of fuch deficiency, the judicial power was feparated from the executive, and the conftitution, progreflively, was improved in feveral other particulars. He then traces the rife and progrefs of that power which has been acquired by the houfe of commons; and fhews the danger which might refult from its encroachment on the peculiar rights of the monarchical part of the conftitution.

In the Second Book, the author treats of the caution which feems to be neceffary in reducing either the prerogative, or the influence of the crown; which, he thinks, are very far from being in any degree formidable at prefent; and in this opinion he has been enabled to fupport his argument both bý facts and authorities.

In the Third Book, he confiders the nature of the grievances complained of; with the view to difcover the principle from which they originate, and the remedies most likely to correct them. He ftates thofe complaints ander the general heads of being unfuccefsful abroad, and unhappy and prodigal at home; affirms that faction and corruption are the cause of the grievances; and makes the following obfervations on the means of obviating these fources of national misfortune.

Such being the mischiefs arising from faction and corruption, it will behove us carefully to provide against them. And as prevention is better than cure, perhaps no one thing will be more likely to answer the purpose, than that fyftem in which every member of parliament thall find it his bett intereft to confult that of the public. That fyftem, therefore, muft be erroneous, which permits any permanent intereft in the reprefentative affembly. If the members of the lower houfe of parliament were truly elective, they would be under the controul of the people they would be truly, at leaft to every ufeful purpofe, a democratic affembly. The great body of the people,

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not being able to make laws in perfon, if those to whom they delegated that truft should betray them, on a fresh election they could remove them. But if the members of the house of commons be hereditary, they become ariftocratic; and whatever dangerous defigns they may entertain, they can defy the people's voice. If, in fhort, elections were free, integrity, and not oratory, would be deemed the best qualification of the candidates. Men of property would be chofen, and needy adventurers excluded. Under the management of such men, one might hope for public virtue. One would hope their own intereit in the fate would fecure them from faction; and render them fuperior to corruption. And, added to this, if their de legation were of fhort duration, a ftill farther fecurity would. be afforded. It would be the interest of fuch men to prefer their permanent property in the ftate, to a little temporary advantage; for little the advantage muft be, if all permanent in-, tereft in the house of commons were excluded: were parliaments of short duration, and truly elective, it would require the mines of Potofi to corrupt them.'

The author profecutes the fubject through many chapters, and under a variety of diftinét heads, which to enumerate would prove tedious to our readers, he endeavours to eftablith the opinion, that a defect in the reprefentation is the caufe of our public calamities; and that, according to the prefent mode of the election of reprefentatives, the houfe of commons tends to an aristocracy. Anongit a variety of re-marks relative to this fubject, he obferves, that to maintain a freedom of election in counties, the number of voters, instead of being increafed, ought to be diminished, by increafing the qualification. This, he is of opinion, would be productive of many good effects. It would thorten the time usually spent in the election, and prevent drunkennefs, riots, and tavern and other expences; befides, that bribery would be lefs prac'tifed amongst a fet of independent, than of needy electors. He thinks that the prefent mode of election, both in counties and boroughs, is erroneous; for whilft the voters in the former are too numerous, thofe in the latter are too few. If there be likewife a fault in requiring more than one member for a place, he foggells that thele objections might be removed, by requiring, not the counties or boroughs, but every mar ket-town, and a certain diftrict of the adjacent country, containing a fufficient number of adjoining parithes, to fend one member.

In the Fourth Bock, the author takes a general view of the fhtutes enacted at different times to remedy the grievances, complained of; and in the Fifth, he confiders the feveral teheines of private individuals for the accomplishment of the

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