is alluded to by the words, 'total depravity of human nature ?'

"Answer. Does not know of such a resolution being enacted lately, but thinks it proper. Supposes the term official applies to his office among others. Thinks the words total depravity allude to our fallen nature.

"Question 7. Do you conscientiously think that the resolution before mentioned purports, that no person should hold an official situation, who has opinions against the fallen nature of man, as being born in sin, and that it has no allusion whatever to the state of bondage,as it exists in this country, being the total depravity of human nature!!

“Answer. Answers particularly in the affirmative.

"There were, it seems, some subtle divines in the Common Council in those days, and admirably fitted to judge the doctrines taught by the Missionaries."

We conclude this article with a striking and admirable passage, with which Mr. Watson closes his pamphlet.

"If the object of this party, (the WestIndian Anti-mission party,) so zealous in the cause they have espoused, as to put every periodical work and newspaper they can influence into requisition, to convey their charges and insinuations against those who are employed in instructing and christianizing the slave population of the colonies, be also to influence the British Parliament in favour of some restrictive measure they may intend to propose; this attempt is still bolder than the incitement of the colonists, and implies a very indecent reflection upon a legislature, which of late has been more than usually active in directing its attention to the improvement of the education and morals of the lower classes; and which is not more distinguished for the talents of its members, than for a general and established character of religious liberality. suppose it even possible for the British Parliament to adopt the jealous feelings, the intolerance, and the total dis. regard to the religious interests of the Negro slaves, by which they have distinguished themselves; can only be accounted for by the proneness of men to measure others by their own standard. The presumption, however, cannot be so high, nor the real character of Parliament so little known, as to embolden them to make this attempt directly. We shall doubtless hear again, as formerly, of their anxiety for the instruc

To

tion of the Negroes, their wish that a better provision may be made for that purpose by the Church of England; and then, (which is the key to the whole,) of the necessity of discountenancing the efforts of all other missionary societies. But with the evidence which has already been presented of the real state of the Negroes; the acknowledged impracticability of providing adequate religious instruction for them, by other means than are now in operation; the good which has already been effected; the important moral influence which is in present activity; and the extensive benefits, both civil and moral, which are every year developing themselves, the cause of the African may be left without anxiety in the hands of the British Parliament, and to the opinion of the British public, notwithstanding the active means of misrepresentation, and the calumnies which have been employed, to bring into discredit missions of the first order in point of civil importance, and of the greatest magnitude in respect of success. But there are deeper interests involved in them, and which cannot appeal to the heart in vain whilst our Christianity is any thing more than a name, and our professed respect for religion better than a hollow pretence. Are they considerations of no weight with the public, in an age of generous philanthropy and enlightened zeal for the progress of the truth of God, that for so many years thousands of neglected slaves bave been sought out and instructed by Missionaries of different denominations when none beside cared for them? That thousands in that period have passed into a happy immortality, having been previously prepared for it by the hallowing influence of religion? That a system of instruction has been commenced, which, if unchecked in its operation, will prepare an ignorant and abject class of men to read with advantage those holy Scriptures, which it is now the noble ambition of so large and respectable a class of society at home to furnish to every nation under Heaven; and which will extend all those blessings through the West Indies which are so justly considered as attached to the preaching of the Gospel, and to the possession of the sacred oracles? Is it a powerless appeal made to human and religious feeling, that crimes have been diminished among the slaves wherever the influence of the Gospel has been permitted freely to

exert itself? That punishments have been proportionably mitigated? That the moral standard, however low it may yet be, has been greatly raised in many of the islands? That so many cheering spectacles of happy and orderly Negro families are exhibited? That the Negro hut resounds with the praises of Christ; and the infant children of Ethiopia, under the care of their converted mothers, are taught to stretch out their hands unto God? Such have been the effects, more or less strikingly displayed, whereever the Missionaries have laboured. The wilderness and the solitary place have been glad for them. And is this fair prospect, at once the effect of moral cultivation and the demonstration of its efficiency, to be broken in upon and trampled down at the call of men, by whose exertions a ray of light was never conveyed into the mind of a slave, nor any of his vices corrected; who can survey, without a sigh, his mind in ruins, the habitation of those prowling passions, which are the objects of their dread, and the instruments of his misery; content only if he continues to crouch under the whip, and to yield his appointed quantum of labour; and indignant, not at their own neglect, and his vices; but at the men who have expended health and life in his cause and in theirs? A work of so much mercy cannot be placed under the protection of the public sentiment of the people of this country in vain; nor will the Parliament of Great Britain allow undertakings so dear to humanity and piety to be obstructed by calumny and clamour. The appeal, which, when the bodily wrongs only of the sons of Africa were in question, roused every feeling of humane interest in the Parliament and people of Great Britain, will not be less powerful, when connected with the

immortal interests of the mind, and the solemnities of eternity; Am I not a man, and a brother?

"In fine, Mr. Marryat, and the antimission party, whether at home or in the colonies, may be assured, that as far as the Methodist Missionaries are concerned, they are not to be deterred by calumnies, nor even menaces, from the prosecution of their work. Conscious of the pureness of their motives, encou raged by success, secure of the countenance of candid men, even in the islands, they will relinquish no station, nor hesitate to embrace every new opportunity which may present itself, for instructing and reforming the ignorant and neglected objects of their mission. In the work they have undertaken, they have endured contempt, and can still endure it; they have suffered bonds, and can again suffer them, should Mr. Marryat and his coadjutors succeed in exciting new persecutions. They have more than once lived down old calumnies, and they will live and act down -new ones. Satisfied if they make full proof of their ministry before God and unprejudiced men, and be able to present as their best epistles of recommendation thousands of once pagan Africans, living under every kind of vicious habit, now enlightened in the great principles of Christian doctrine, and adorning it in the morality of their lives, and the meekness of their spirits. The aspersions with which they have been assailed, have never produced in their minds a consciousness of disgrace, nor will they now produce it. There are calumnies without point, and reproaches without shame-there is a cause which converts censure into praise, and brightens obloquy inte glory."

THE present month has produced little foreign intelligence of any kind, and certainly none which is calculated to diminish the fearful interest excited by our domestic occurrences. Neither the loan of eight millions, which the French government have succeeded in obtaining from foreign merchants; nor the dreadful fire which took place at Port Louis in the Isle of France; nor the ac

cession of Denmark and Switzerland to the holy alliance; nor the partial advantages which the patriots of South America are reported to have gained; and we recollect no other foreign event of the slightest importance; are of a character to detain us from the consideration of what has been taking place among ourselves.

On the 28th of February, parliament

was opened by a speech from the prince regent in person; in which, after alluding to the continued indisposition of the king; the amicable state of our relations with foreign powers: the splendid achievements of the fleet sent against Algiers, with the result of its success, so interesting to humanity; and the happy issue of the Nepaul war; he states, that the estimates for the current year have been formed with an anxious desire to make every reduction in our establishments which sound policy will allow, and he recommends the state of the public revenue to the early attention of parliament. The deficiency in the produce of the revenue in the last year, he trusts, may be ascribed to temporary causes; and he has the consolation of believing that the services of the year may be provided for without adding to the public burdens, or adopt ing any measure injurious to the established system by which the public credit has been hitherto sustained. The new silver coinage having been cómpleted will speedily be issued, and he trusts will be productive of advantage. The speech then adverts to the distresses which the termination of a war of such extent and duration has brought on all the nations of Europe, and which have been aggravated by the unfavourable state of the season. The prince regent deeply laments the pressure of these evils on this country, but observes with peculiar satisfaction the fortitude with which privations have been borne, and the active benevolence employed to mitigate them; and he is persuaded that the great sources of national prosperity are unimpaired, and that the energy of the country will soon surmount all our difficulties. He lastly directs the attention of parliament to the attempts which have been made to take advantage of the distresses of the country for the purpose of exciting sedition and vio. lence. Though well convinced of the loyalty and good sense of the great body of the people, he is determined to omit no precautions for preserving the public peace and counteracting the designs of the disaffected, and he relies on the cordial support of parliament in upholding a system of law and government, productive of inestimable advantages, and which has been felt by ourselves, and acknowledged by other nations, to be the most perfect that has ever fallen to the lot of any people.

The debates on the address, proposed

in answer to the speech, in both houses, were interrupted by the formal annunciation of an attempt having been made on the person of the prince regent, as he was passing through the park on his return from the house of lords. From the evidence, it appeared that an immense crowd had followed and surrounded the state carriage, uttering the most seditious and even ferocious and sanguinary expressions against his royal highness and his guards. Many stones were thrown at the carriage, and one of the windows of it was broken in pieces. A bullet was supposed to have previously penetrated it; but the bullet not having been found, this point is not equally certain. It required the utmost exertions of the guards, and of the magistrates and constables who were present, to prevent the populace from perpetrating still more fatal outrages, and to conduct the prince safely to St. James's palace. These proceedings justly excited a strong feeling of indignation and horror both in and out of parliament; and although it has not been found possible to fix on the actual perpetrators of the outrage, yet so strong an impression was produced on the public mind of its directly emanating from the doctrines lately promulgated at public meetings, and circulated in inflammatory tracts and handbills, that a general desire was excited of seeing some legislative measures adopted for guarding the public peace, and obviating the recurrence of similar atrocities. Few persons, indeed, entertained any idea of the extent to which the evil was afterwards found to have proceeded, or of the formidable nature of the designs subsequently developed in the reports of the secret committees of both houses of parliament; but still enough was known to render all who were concerned for the peace and well-being of the country, anxious for the adoption of vigorous measures to repress tumult and disorder, and to prevent the fatal consequences to be apprehended from the unwearied and persevering efforts of certain demagogues to disturb and agi tate the minds of the labouring classes. The whole subject was judiciously referred to the consideration of a secret committee of each house of parliament, composed of members taken from all parties, who, after a protracted investigation of evidence, have unanimously concurred in reports certainly of very fearful import, and deeply affecting

every individual in the community. The committee of the house of lords consisted of Lords Liverpool, Sidmouth, Fitzwilliam, Grenville, Harrowby, Eldon, Holland, &c. &c.; and that of the house of commons, of Lords Milton, Lascelles, and Castlereagh, Sirs John Nicholl, W. Curtis, and A. Pigott, the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Messrs. Ponsonby, Egerton, W. Elliott, B. Bathurst, Lamb, Robinson, Canning, Yorke, Wilbraham, Wilberforce, Dundas, Rose, and Frank. It is difficult to conceive that the persons whom we have named could have been induced to pronounce a clear opinion on any but adequate grounds and exercised, as their minds have been for years, in the discussion of great questions, and in the examination of evidence, and especially accustomed, as some of them have been, to regard with a wakeful jealousy the purposes of the existing government, it cannot be admitted, for a moment, that they would have joined, without a dissenting voice, in a statement of facts such as we have now to detail, or in the expression of the general opinion, of which these facts are made the basis, unless the evidence had been decisive.

The following is the substance of the report of the committee of secrecy of the house of commons :-From the documents referred to them, it appears that attempts have been made, both in the metropolis and various parts of the country, to take advantage of the existing distress to induce the labouring classes to look for relief, not only from annual parliaments and universal suffrage, but from the overthrow of existing establishments, the extinction of the public funds, and the division of land. The active promoters of these views of spoliation have been societies, called Spencean; a name derived from a visionary writer of the name of Spence, who published a tract on the subject about twenty years ago. In the discussions which took place in these societies, it was maintained that even parliamentary reform was a half measure, and that nothing short of the land of the country would avail them; and that both landholders and fundholders were monsters to be hunted down; and that the latter especially were rapacious wretches, who took 15d. out of every quartern loaf.

The most blasphemous doctrines were advanced and the most blasphemous language used: songs of the most treasonable kind, as well as pro

fane and indecent parodies of the liturgy and the Scriptures, were also sung. The operations of these societies appear to have been directed by a conservative committee, and their doctrines have been systematically and industriously diffused among discharged soldiers, and sailors, and labourers of all descriptions, by inflammatory speeches, and by cheap or gratuitous publications circulated with incredible assiduity. An executive committee of these societies planned and endeavoured to effect an insurrection, so formidable from its numbers as to overpower all resistance. With this view the members of the committee endeavoured to foment the prevailing discontent in the metropolis, and to frame lists of those who might be relied on for daring enterprise. The design was, by a sudden rising in the dead of the night, to overpower the soldiers in the different barracks, which were to be set on fire; to seize the artillery, seize or destroy the bridges, and take possession of the Bank and the Tower; and a machine was projected for clearing the streets of cavalry. This design was, however, relinquished shortly before the time fixed for its execution. It was determined first to ascertain their force, by means of meetings convened ostensibly for legal objects. Spa-fields was selected for these meetings, on account of its vicinity to the Bank and the Tower. Accordingly, inflammatory placards were circulated, calling on the people to arm, and to break open gunsmiths' shops in order to procure arms; 66 run," they add, "all constables who touch a man of us; no rise of Bread, no Regent, no Castlereagh

off with their heads! no placemen, tithes, or enclosures; no taxes; no bishops, only useless lumber! Stand true, or be slaves for ever" A committee of public safety was now agreed upon after the manner of the French Revolution; and a tri-coloured flag and cockades were prepared and even displayed at the first meeting on the 15th November. Acts of violence, though a few were committed, were discouraged on that day; and the meeting was adjourned to the 2d of December, when it was hoped the means of insurrection would be matured. The meeting was industriously advertised throughout the country, means used.to obtain subscrip tions; the expense of emissaries, &c. having hitherto been defrayed chiefly by one individual; and active measures