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arms: all depots of arms are noted, and the facility of converting implements of husbandry into weapons of offence has been suggested. Similar associations have been extended to the manufacturing population of Glasgow and other towns of Scotland, which act in concert with those in England, and have even made some provision of weapons. The committee, however, observe, that notwithstanding the alarming progress of this system of disaffection, its success has hitherto been confined to the principal manufacturing districts, where the distress is more prevalent, and numbers are more easily collected; that even in many of these privations have been borne with exemplary patience, and the attempts of the disaffected frustrated; and that few, if any, of the higher and middle classes, and scarcely any of the agricultural population, have lent themselves to the more violent of these projects. Great allowance must be made for those who, under the pressure of distress, have been led to listen to demagogues holding out the expectation of immediate relief; and it is to be hoped that many of them, whose moral principles have not been extinguished or perverted, would withdraw themselves before those projects were pushed to actual insurrection. But, with all these allowances, the committee cannot contemplate the activity and arts of the leaders; the numbers already seduced; the oaths by which many are bound; the means suggested and prepared for forcibly attaining their ends, which are the overthrow of all the political institutions of the kingdom, and such a subversion of the rights of property as must lead to general pillage and bloodshed; without submitting to the serious attention of the house the dangers of the crisis, and which the utmost vigilance of the government, under the existing laws, has been found inadequate to prevent.

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The report of the secret committee of the house of lords agrees substantially with that of the house of commons. states, that had the riot of the 2d of December been more successful, it would have been the signal for a more general rising in other parts of the country, but that now it appears the prevailing impression among the leading malecontents, that it is expedient to wait till the whole kingdom shall be completely organized and ripe for action. Intimidation is stated to be a powerful

means of augmenting their numbers; and to secure secrecy, besides the use of atrocious oaths, care is taken to communicate as little as possible by writing, but chiefly by delegates. The late attack on the prince regent appears, to the lords' committee, to have resulted from the systematic efforts that have been made to destroy all reverence for authority, and all sense of moral obligation. This report closes also with an opinion, that further provisions are necessary for preserving the public peace, and protecting the interests and happiness of every class of the community alike.

It is impossible to peruse these reports without a feeling of lively gratitude to the Giver of all good, whose providential interference has averted the tremendous calamities which were about to burst over our heads, and afforded us an opportunity of thus tranquilly taking a retrospect of our perils, in all their magnitude and extent, and also of deliberating on the measures which it may be expedient to pursue, with a view to obviate the still existing dangers. With respect to these measures, we would rely on the wisdom and firmness of parliament; being well persuaded that no restraint, which the public safety may evidently require to be imposed on seditious meetings, nor any fresh power with which it may prove necessary for a time to arm the executive government, will not be hailed by the respectable and loyal part of the nation as a benefit, inasmuch as it will afford an additional security against the extravagances of jacobinical reform, and the evils of proscription, pillage, and blood, with which we have been, or still are, threatened. We need hardly observe how incumbent an obligation the circumstances of the times impose on all Christians to exert themselves in opposition to the mischievous arts of those enemies, both of our present peace and future happiness, who are employing themselves with such activity, by their emissaries and their writings, not only in inflaming the public mind to acts of treason and violence, but in undermining all those great and sacred principles of religion and morals, and all those social and civil charities, by which the very frame and structure of society are upheld, the corruptions of mankind are rectified, and their miseries alleviated. We rejoice to perceive that this call has been anticipated. The governing body

of the Wesleyan Methodists have come forward with a prompt and manly declaration of their abhorrence of the late proceedings, and with the most pointed injunctions to all under their influence to maintain their loyalty unimpaired. We anticipate the best effects from this step, which, we trust, will be imitated by other religious bodies. A spirited tract has also appeared from the pen of the Rev. Melville Horne, entitled, "A Word for my Country," (published by Mr. Hatchard,) which cannot be too extensively circulated. It is sold for 5s. a dozen. A paper, entitled Anti-Cobbett, extracted from the pages of the newspaper, called "The Day or New Times," has also been widely disseminated, and similar efforts will doubtless be made in other quarters. And while such efforts are unremittingly made to counteract the spirit of revolt and insurrection, let our attention to the wants of the poor be increased, and no labours nor sacrifices be omitted which may contribute to their temporal relief, or to the diffusion among them of scriptural knowledge and sound religious principles. It is on these we must mainly rely for the maintenance of the throne and the altar-and we may read, in the inveterate hostility of our demagogues to religion, its best and highest commendation as the safeguard of all that is sacred among us-of our public institutions, of our private rights, of our domestic comforts, of our present security, and of our future hopes.

In consequence of the light which has been thrown on the designs of the disaffected, various individuals (six or seven) have been arrested, and have undergone examinations before the privy council. Four or five of these have been committed to the Tower, on a charge of high treason; and among them Watson and Hooper, who had been already tried at the Old Bailey, for taking part in the riot on the 2d of December, and acquitted; and Preston, the Secretary of the Spencean Society, who had been previously discharged for want of proof.

The table of the house of commons has been loaded with petitions for parliamentary reform, most of them claiming, as the right of the people, annual elections and the universal extension of the elective franchise. Many petitions, having been drawn up in terms of studied insult towards the house of commons, were rejected but of those which have been received the signatures are said to

exceed a million. They are the fruit of the great exertions made by the Hampden Clubs already spoken of. The discussions to which these petitions have given birth have served to develop the views entertained on this important subject, by many of the leading characters in parliament, and have produced schisms among those who have been in the habit of advocating the cause of reform. It was indeed to have been expected, that the extravagances and absurdities of many of the petitioners, and of those who, either from the press or in parliament, supported similar views, combined with the disorderly and seditious spirit which had been manifested at some public meetings, would not only alarm timid men, but would tend to moderate the ardour of all, however bold and fearless, who preferred our present state of enjoyment and security, with its anomalies and imperfections, to the dissolution of all the bonds of society, which must follow the adoption of the wild and anarchical principles of late become so popular. Lord Grey, with that manliness of character which belongs to him, and which does him so much honour, has avowed a great change in his views of this subject, since he brought it before parliament in 1793; and though still decidedly favourable to measures of reform, he is by no means disposed to go the same lengths he would have done at an age when his hope was more sanguine, and innovation was less dreaded. Mr. Brougham, Mr. Brand, and others, in the house of commons, likewise dis claimed any participation in the wild and visionary projects which form the main burden of the late petitions--annual parliaments, and universal suff age; and are disposed to limit their views to the correction of palpable abuses, and not to extend them to the dangerous expedient of recasting the very frame of parliament. The subject is likely soon to undergo a very full discussion; but it is to be presumed that, in the state of feeling naturally excited by recent occurrences, there will be a prevalent disinclination to entertain any propositions for parliamentary reform, however modified.

In conséquence of the 'recommendat tion on the subject of retrenchment, contained in the speech from the throne, a committee has been appointed by the house of commons, to consider the public income and expenditure, and the reductions of which the latter is suscep

tible. In moving for this committee, Lord Castlereagh observed, that it was intended by government to propose the reduction of the army from 99,000 to 81,000 men, exclusive of the military force in France and India, which was not paid by this country. The diminution of expense in this department, including the ordnance, would be 1,784,000l. In the naval service, the reduction of the expense would be 3,717,000l. and in the miscellaneous services about a million. The total of the charge for these various services, in the present year, would be about 18,373,000l. He announced the generous intention of the prince regent to relinquish 50,000l. of his income, in consideration of the heavy pressure which weighed on the country generally at the present moment; and of his official servants to give up a tenth part of their salaries. On a subsequent occasion, he intimated that Lord Camden had voJuntarily proposed to limit the large emoluments of his office of teller of the exchequer, to the sum of 2,500l. a year, probably not more than a tenth of what it has lately yielded. Various other of

ficial retrenchments have also been notified as either already accomplished, or about to be carried into effect, amounting to upwards of 50,000l. a year;-and these first fruits of a general system of economy will doubtless prove only the prelude to farther reductions. In short, there appears, both in government and in parliament, a sincere desire to lighten, as far as may be consistent with the public safety and with justice to individuals, the burdens which press upon the community.

The following Form of Prayer and Thanksgiving, for the Preservation of the Prince Regent, was ordered to be used at Morning and Evening Service, after the General Thanksgiving, in all churches and chapels in London, on the 9th instant, and in all others on the Sunday after received :—

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"Merciful God, who, in compassion to a sinful nation, hast defeated the designs of des perate men, and hast protected from the base and barbarous assaults of a lawless multitude the Regent of this United Kingdom, accept our thee, thy protection of his royal person. Shield praise and thanksgiving; continue, we implore him from the arrow that flieth by day, and from the pestilence that walketh in darkness; from the secret designs of treason, and from the madness of the people.

"And whilst we pray for thy mercy and protection, give us grace, O God, to perceive and know what things we ought to do; lest, impatient of present evils, and unmindful of thy manifold goodness, we seek rehef where relief cannot be found, and abandon those never-failing sources of national prosperity and happiness-obedience to thy commandments, and the fear of thy holy Name.

"These prayers and praises we humbly offer to thy Divine Majesty, in the name and through the mediation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen."

In our volume for 1812, p. 638, and in that for 1814, p. 774, we have inserted some remarks on the style and character of our occasional state prayers and thanksgivings, many of which appear to us to apply to the above composition. It is not our purpose, however, to enlarge on this topic, but merely to express our regret that some less general expression than that of "the people," had not been employed to designate those whose madness and folly might lead them to entertain designs hostile to the person of the prince regent. It would imply a far wider prevalence of a disloyal spirit than we believe to exist among us.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

We regret the disappointment which many authors must experience from their works not being announced; but we beg to repeat, that the notices, in order to be inserted, should be in our hands before the 20th day of each month.

A. C.; LAICUS; I. N. C.; T. SCOTT; N. T.; I.W.; *** ; G.C.G.; E. P. S.; H.S. and PAULINUS; will appear.

3.; C. C. G.; CANDIDUS; ANGELA; and TRADESMAN; are under consideration.

We should have willingly complied with Mr. Weyland's request to insert his second letter, had we admitted, as in the former instance, the justice of the complaint contained in it; but as we should feel it necessary to dispute his positions, and that at some length, we must decline its insertion. He complains of the delay in publishing his former letter. In truth, we were simple enough to think that we were doing him a kindness by the delay; and we expected that, when he had read the whole review, he would have wished at least to modify his criticisms. So widely different are the views of authors and reviewers! We still think we have reason to regard the communication of the NORTHERN VICAR as both unfair and uncandid. We willingly acquit him, at the same time, of any other than a friendly intention. If it will be any satisfaction to him, we repeat, that the sentiments of Candidus on the subject of Novel Reading are not our sentiments.

We beg a SINCERE FRIEND to believe that we can cheerfully endure persecution for the truth's sake.

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To the Editor of the Christian Observer. THERE is no duty more frequently urged upon young divines, by their elder friends and brethren, than that of avoiding the fear of man. I fully admit the great necessity and propriety of the advice, and have to regret only that a somewhat more distinct specification of the evils to be shunned does not accompany the injunction.

When a young clergyman, upon entering a scene of important ministerial labours, is told, that "the fear of man bringeth a snare," what, sir, is usually intended by his friend, and understood by himself, to be the full purport of the observation? Why, evidently, that he is not to shrink from a conscientious promulgation of his theological principles; that he is boldly to rebuke vice ; that he is not to connive at formality or fashionable error; that he is to dispense to his parishioners "the whole counsel of God" with faithfulness, and zeal, and simplicity; that he is to make no sacrifice to the world, or to expediency, or to personal interest; but is to per sist in a firm and frank avowal of Christian truth, not excepting the most unpopular and painful topics of his responsible vocation.

Now, sir, all this advice is excellent as far as it extends but it is not sufficiently specific to meet some of the peculiar exigencies of the present times. The adviser evidently takes for granted, that all the danger to a young divine of piety, is in the quarter of worldliness and irreligion. Upon entering a parish where the preceding miCHRIST. OBSERV. No. 183.

nister, from whatever cause, has not been faithful in preaching the Gospel in its full meaning and extent, this may sometimes be the case; but in a parish differently circumstanced, and where the profession of religion is more common, the advice by no means assumes a province sufficiently extensive. The dangers of a pious minister ostensibly begin with his enemies, but they frequently end with his friends; and in every view of the subject, the fear of man is as often likely to bring a snare in the latter case as in the former. I thus deduce the proposition :

Imagine a country town or village in which religion, if attended to at all, is evidently little more than " a name to live while men are dead," a are dead," a " form of godliness without the power." A minister of active piety, we will suppose, undertakes a cure of this description, impressed as he ought to be with the importance of the above-mentioned maxim, and determined by the grace of God to put it into practice. In such a case, sir, I fully acknowledge that much religious firmness, and a strong and permanent sense of the power and presence of God, and the responsibility of his own sacred vocation, are requisite to keep him fixed in this arduous resolution. I readily admit, while I deeply regret, that the temptations of the world, and the desire, perhaps, of being acceptable to many of his respectable, though not religious, parishioners, may have an influence on his mind, which it will require no small share of Divine grace and self-denial to

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overcome. I freely allow that to be, like Milton's angel, faithful where all around are unfaithful, is no easy task; and that in the case under consideration there is much, very much, to cause an unholy fear of man, and to render a constant recurrence to the above advice highly desirable and salutary.

Yet, on the other hand, all these difficulties will usually meet with a counterpoise. Setting aside, for a moment, the powerful influence of genuine piety, in raising a minister above the fear of irreligious men ; the natural ardour of the human mind in pursuit of a favourite object, and sometimes, perhaps, a sort of controversial pertinacity blending itself with really religious zeal, will prevent our young divine from going over to the enemy. There is a conscious feeling of dignity and manliness in speaking one's mind, which, added to a desire of obtaining the approbation of religious friends, will often add an unwonted stimulus even to a wavering character. To many minds also, there is a pleasure in being known and spoken of, even though the notice be accompanied with considerable marks of wonder and disapprobation. In addition to these dubious motives, others of a better description will often combine to check the fear of man in the inculcation of religious truth. A love for the Gospel, a real desire for the salvation of men, a hatred to the sins and vanities of the world, a dread of being found unfaithful at the last day, a dependence upon the Spirit of God for strength and assistance, will all tend to prevent the fear of irreligious men assuming much influence over the mind of a deeply pious young minister. Indeed, it is rather more usual, upon the whole, to observe persons of this description somewhat unadvised or unseasonable in their language and conduct, than absolutely shrinking from that portion of the reproach of the Cross of Christ which origi

nates in the formal and worldly part of their parishioners.

But the fear of what is called "the religious world" is oftentimes a principle far more dangerous and delusive. It is much easier to stem irreligious hostility, than to guard against the wish of pleasing those who, though pious, are indiscreet, and would unintentionally lead their minister to peculiarities and excesses of doctrine and conduct by no means consistent with his own personal sentiments and feelings. The persecution of the world usually braces the mind, and urges the sufferer to repose upon the bosom of his Omnipotent Saviour for protection; but the fear of displeasing a really religious, though somewhat hot-headed and ill-judging friend, enervates the soul of a minister, and renders him doubly susceptible of the attacks of our spiritual enemy.

Let us again imagine, for the sake of example, that a devout clergyman, after a few years resi dence in such a parish as was before described, begins to find that opposition to the peculiarities of the Gospel has nearly subsided, and that it has even become a respectable thing to profess a somewhat high tone of religion. Here, then, the snare against which the young divine was more immediately guarded, has ceased to operate; and he, perhaps, even gains credit and popularity by his plainness of speech and manliness of conduct. In the course of his ministerial labours he has, probably, become gradually encircled with a number of religious friends, who cherish and animate him in proportion to his faithfulness and zeal, and whe would be the first to observe and reprehend any degree of worldly concession either in his principles or conduct.

Thus surrounded and supported, it is not very probable that he should willingly embitter his own peace, and wound the minds of his friends, from fear of those with whom he has compara

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