well governed as Great Britain is at this moment, and that no opposition was ever so infamous, as the opposition which is universally made to their administration; but when the incontestible evidence of facts is hourly contradicting their most plausible declarations, we are obliged to resent the insult offered to our understanding, as much as the stab directed at our freedom, and to expose the futility of their arguments, though we despair of any benefit from their conviction. The noble lord who has acknowledged himself the ostensible minister on the present question, has talked very loudly about our rights, yet he has not shewn in any manner how these rights have been supported either by himself, or by any other member in the administration. Does it look like supporting our rights to shrink from an examination of his own conduct? or does it look like supporting our rights to prevent the enquiries of parliament with premature motions of adjournment? Of what use is our assembling, if we are not allowed to express our sentiments? Of what service is it to recommend any national object to our attention, if it is not to be seriously considered? The people, I repeat it, are virtually robbed of their le gislature, if that legislature is not allowed a power of acting, and the ministry in vain tell us of supporting the authority of the mother country in America, when they divest her of all constitutional jurisdiction in her own immediate assemblies. Here, my lords, is a business referred to us by express command from the throne, perplexed in its nature, but highly important in its end. It is referred to us particularly, because it has already baffled the utmost efforts of administration. We accordingly enter upon it in obedience to the royal mandate, and in justice to our suffering countrymen. Yet the very power that sends it to us, and requires our assistance, takes it peremptorily out of our hands before we express the least opinion; and for what purpose? To lodge it again with the man, that has declared it too mighty for his abilities; and this very man, to whose mismanagement the chief complaints are attributed, has himself the temerity to move for re-committing it to his own direction. This is an unprecedented insult to the dignity of parliament, and could only be intended to make us feel the omnipotence of the minister. Severely, therefore, we do feel it, especially as it prevents us no less from obeying the com[VOL. XVI.] mand of the sovereign, than from consulting the welfare of the people, and throws dishonour on the crown, while it pours in additional calamities upon the kingdom. Reduced to a state so truly deplorable, of what service is it to appear any longer in the political theatre, where, at best, we are treated with ridicule, and denied every opportunity of acting a useful character for our country? Secure in their numbers, our managers rule us at present as they please-but a time may come when, like the conductors of our inferior dramas, they may dearly suffer for abusing the patience of the public. Earl Gower: My lords; the patriotic concerni which the three noble lords who, last spoke, express for the loss of parliamentary freedom in debate, is really whimsical enough, when the very energy with which they deplore it, and the abuse which they consequently throw upon government, is the strongest of all possible proofs that it still exists in the highest latitude among us. If, indeed, they were denied a liberty of expressing their sentiments; and if they did not express their sentiments in terms as gross as they thought proper, then they might have some foundation for their present complaints. But if the privilege of traducing the first characters in the community, of vilifying every individual in power, and even of insulting majesty itself is not a sufficient freedom in debate, I must beg they will tell us what freedom of debate really is, and I shall be among the first to move for gratifying them directly to the utmost extent of their inclinations. Possibly, however, the noble lords will tell us that freedom of debate is a matter of no consequence, unless every question that comes before us is determined agreeably to their own wishes. In this too, I should be glad if they were obliged, but unluckily the constitution of this country, for which they are such inflexible advocates, in all parliamentary debates, places the power of deciding in the hands of a majority. Let them once obtain this majority, and then they will have nothing more to ask for. They will then have the power of executing all their public spirited purposes, though I do not think they will be able to enlarge their present freedom of debate; or if they despair of overcoming their opponents in numbers, let them only reconcile the proceeding either to the dic [3 U] tates of reason, or the principles of law, | determined for the present session to disand they shall have my voice for imme- miss it regularly; we have as much right diately lodging the right of decision hence- to do the one, as they have to do the forward with a minority. other; our conduct is to the full as conThe noble lords have pathetically in-sistent with order as theirs can possibly be, formed the House, that though the Ame- and though they may censure the minister rican business was particularly recom- for adjournment, I nevertheless insist that mended to parliamentary attention, they it is perfectly agreeable to the strictest are nevertheless precluded from delivering practices of parliament. their sentiments by the call for adjournment. Yet why, pray, could not their lordships as well deliver their opinion upon the motion before the chair, as upon the call for adjournment? It was more pertinent as well as more regular, and would have rendered all those complaints relative to the prohibited freedom of debate utterly unnecessary. It would at least have saved the House from the fatigue of hearing a great deal of very heavy declamation from the toil of listening to distresses without an object, and tolerating Billingsgate without an end. The noble lords are pleased to be much offended that the American dispute was not brought before the House earlier in the session, when by the general sense of the House it is now brought before us, even more early than we wish. The noble lords will, however, say that it is only so in the sense of a venal and corrupt majority: yet as that majority has constantly prevailed during the whole course of the session, it was of little importance, according to the very creed of patriotism, to agitate the American affairs a moment sooner. Those affairs, I grant, were recommended to our attention from the throne, and of very great consequence I readily acknowledge them to the kingdom: but the opposition employed so much time in harassing government, upon the informalities of the Middlesex election, that the period for real business became materially wasted, and now that their own perverseness has unnecessarily trifled away the session to its close, they are very angry that there is not a sufficient interval for entering upon one of the greatest objects that ever required the consideration of an English parliament. The noble lords may probably reply, that opposition has not trifled with the session, that the Middlesex election was an affair of the last consequence to the British empire, and that they have now brought the American business regularly before the House. I will answer them on this ground; they have brought the business regularly before the House, and we are To be sure the noble lords will call us a corrupt, a venal majority, and generously weep over the ruins of their miserable country. Every sensible man, however, knows that almost all majorities are branded as corrupt, by the ignorant or the interested. Every sensible man, moreover, knows, that this kingdom has been many centuries on the verge of destruction, and that national distress, or expiring liberty has been constantly a subject of declamation with the dirtiest faction. Yet, blessed be God, we have incessantly encreased both in our property and our freedom, notwithstanding all the melancholy predictions of patriotism, and I trust the same remarks will be made in succeeding ages, when the public-spirited worthies of the present hour, are either consigned to oblivion, or hung up to the ridicule of posterity. The Ministry thus refusing to take any notice of the proposed Resolutions, the question to adjourn was carried, by 60 against 26. The King's Speech at the Close of the Session.] May 19. The King came to the House of Peers and closed the Session with the following Speech to both Houses: "My Lords, and Gentlemen; "The season of the year, and the dispatch you have given to the public business, make it proper for me to put an end to this session of parliament. "The temper with which you have conducted all your proceedings has given me great satisfaction, and I promise my. self the happiest effects from the firmness, as well as the moderation, which you have manifested in the very critical circumstances which have attended your late deliberations. "With respect to foreign affairs I have nothing material to communicate to you. I will continue my endeavours to appease, if possible, the troubles which still prevail in some parts of Europe, or at least to prevent them from spreading farther. In all events it shall be my first and constant care to watch over the interests, and to preserve, undiminished, the rights of my people. FOURTH SESSION OF THE OF GREAT BRITAIN. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons; THIRTEENTH PARLIAMENT "I return you my thanks for the supplies you have so cheerfully granted for the service of the current year, as well as for your attention to make use of every opportunity of reducing the national debt. The provision you have been able to make in this session for discharging so considerable a sum without laying any further burthen on my subjects, cannot but be highly advantageous to public credit. "My Lords, and Gentlemen; The King's Speech on Opening the Session.*] November 13, 1770. The King came to the House of Peers, and opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses: "My Lords and Gentlemen; "When I last met you in parliament, I renewed to you the assurances which I confirmation of the former, was productive of an uncommon, if not unheard of circumstance. Mr. Beckford, then lord mayor of London, to the amazement of the court, and with a boldmade an immediate and spirited reply to the ness and freedom, perhaps, peculiar to himself, King's Answer, which he concluded in the fol "I must earnestly recommend to you to exert in your respective counties the same zeal and prudence that you have shewn in parliament, for promoting the peace and the welfare of the kingdom; nothing can be so favourable to the wishes of those who look with jealousy on the strength and prosperity of this country, as the prevalence of animosities and dissen-lowing words, That whoever had already sions amongst ourselves: let it therefore be your care to discountenance every attempt to infuse groundless suspicions and discontent into the minds of your fellowsubjects; make them sensible of my constant attention to promote their happiness; and convince them, that nothing can so effectually secure their liberties, as the maintenance of every part of our excellent constitution in its due force and authority." Then the Lord Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice of the King's-bench, Speaker of the House of Lords, having received directions from his Majesty, prorogued the Parliament to the 19th of July. It was afterwards further prorogued to the 13th of November.* dared, or should hereafter endeavour by false insinuations and suggestions, to alienate his Majesty's affections from his loyal subjects in general, and from the city of London in particular, and to withdraw his confidence and regard from his people, was an enemy to his public peace, and a betrayer of our happy conMajesty's person and family, a violator of the stitution as it was established at the glorious and necessary Revolution.' This answer was variously judged. Those who paid a high regard to the decorums of the court declared it indecent and unprecedented to reply to any answer of the King. But in the city his spirit was infinitely applauded. Both parties concurred in admir ing the manner in which he delivered himself. strances, did not prevent one from the county of Surry, which was presented soon after; and was in some time succeeded by a Petition from the city of Westminster; nor did the death of alderman Beckford prevent another from the city of Loudon, which was presented a few days after the meeting of parliament, and was the third received from that great city within the course of the year. The fate of this and the former Remon "A few days after the rising of parliament, another Address, Remonstrance, and Petition, was presented by the city of London, in which, after professions of the greatest loyalty and affection, they first deplore the severe "Those in the popular interest, however, in censure cast upon them by the Answer to their general, finding all their applications for redress former Remonstrance, and execrate the malig-fruitless, seemed at length to despair of obtainnant and pernicious advice which could sug-ing it in that manner, and to grow tired of pregest it, and then renew their application in the senting ineffectual petitions, which now by strongest terms, for the dissolution of the pretheir frequency began to lose all their effect." sent, and the calling of a new parliament; Annual Register. talked much of secret machinations, and the insidious attempts of evil counsellors; and insisted strongly upon the indispensible right of the subject, which they now claimed, of being represented by a full, free, and unmutilated parliament, legally chosen in all its members. “The Answer, which was in support and "No change had taken place in administration during the recess; and as lord North had successfully weathered all the storms of the winter, supported by a prodigious majority, upon almost every occasion, he seemed now to be as securely fixed in his seat at the head of the treasury, as the fashion of the times, and had before given you, that it was my fixed purpose to preserve the general tranquillity, maintaining at the same time the honour of my crown, together with the just rights and interests of my people; and it was with much satisfaction, that I indulged the hope of being still able to continue to my subjects the enjoyment of peace, with honour and security. Since that time, those very considerations, which I then promised you, that I would never sacrifice, even to the desire of peace, have laid me under an indispensable necessity of preparing for a different situation. "By the act of the governor of Buenos Ayres, in seizing by force one of my possessions, the honour of my crown, and the security of my people's rights, were become deeply affected. Under these circumstances, I did not fail to make an immediate demand, from the court of Spain, of such satisfaction as I had a right to expect for the injury I had received. I directed also the necessary preparations to be made, without loss of time, for enabling me to do myself justice, in case my requisition to the court of Spain should fail of procuring it for me; and these preparations, you may be assured, I shall not think it expedient to discontinue, until I shall have received proper reparation for the injury, as well as satisfactory proof that other powers are equally sincere with myself in the resolution to preserve the general tranquillity of Europe. In the mean time, I have called you thus early together, in order that I may be able to receive from you such advice and assistance, as in the farther progress of this very important business, may happen to become requisite. "With respect to the state of my colo the precarious circumstances that might attend the commencement of the war, would admit of. "The state of the different parties in opposition, had hitherto suffered no very material change. The death of Mr. George Grenville, which happened on the day of the meeting of parliament, having left that particular party, of which he was considered as the principal, with out a leader, some of the most distinguished of them, and who appeared the most sanguine in opposition, went over to the court. Those of the old Whigs, who are called the Rocking ham party, which was the strongest and most numerous of those in opposition, still continued to act upon the same principles on which they set out; and those who were particularly attached to the earls of Chathamn, Temple, or Shelburne, took a general part with them in most public measures." Annual Register. nies in North America, although I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that the people in most of them have begun to depart from those combinations, which were calculated to distress the commerce of this kingdom, yet in some parts of the colony of the Massachusett's Bay very unwarrantable practices are still carried on, and my good subjects oppressed by the same lawless violence which has too long prevailed in that province. "I hope and trust, that the precautions which have already been used for securing this country against the visitation of that fatal calamity, which has of late appeared in some of the distant parts of Europe, will, with the blessing of God, prove successful. But if, from any alteration of circumstances, it should at any time be found, that farther provisions will be wanted, I cannot doubt of your ready concurrence for so salutary a purpose. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons; the service of the ensuing year to be laid "I will order the proper Estimates for before you. They must unavoidably, in our present situation, exceed the usual amount. Every unnecessary expence my will ever make me careful to avoid. But concern for the ease of my good subjects I should neither consult their interest, nor their inclination, if I were to decline any maintenance of the national honour, does expence, which the public security, or the at any time require. "My Lords, and Gentlemen; "I am sensible how little I need say to you at this time, to prevail upon you to unite in whatever may best promote the true interest of your country. In all your deliberations upon points of a domestic nature, let the extension of our commerce, the improvement of the revenue, and the maintenance of order and good government, be always in your view. With respect to foreign measures, there will, I am persuaded, be no other contest among you, than who shall appear most forward in the support of the common cause, in upholding the reputation and promoting the prosperity of the kingdom. For the attainment of these ends, you shall ever find me ready to exert myself to the utmost. I have no interest, I can have none, distinct from that of my people," The Lords' Address of Thanks.] His Majesty having retired, lord Sandys moved the following Address of Thanks, which, ❘ and we hope soon to see an entire end of after debate, was agreed to: "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal, in parliament assembled, return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne. "We beg leave to offer your Majesty our very sincere congratulations on the safe and happy delivery of the Queen, and the birth of a princess; and to assure your Majesty of our unfeigned joy at the increase of your domestic happiness, and that we consider every addition to your illustrious House, from which these kingdoms have received the most important benefits, as a farther security to our religious and civil liberties. "We are too sensible of the blessing of peace, not to feel the greatest concern at any event, which threatens to interrupt its continuance, and defeat your Majesty's wise and gracious purpose to maintain it; but grateful as we are for this proof of your Majesty's paternal regard to the repose and happiness of your people, we owe your Majesty no less thanks for your anxious vigilance over the honour of your crown, and the interests of your people. those unwarrantable practices, which have so long oppressed your Majesty's subjects in one of those provinces. "We are highly sensible of your Majesty's goodness and care, in taking such precautions to secure this country against the visitation of that fatal calamity, which has of late appeared in some of the distant parts of Europe; and we shall always be ready to concur in any measures that shall be found necessary to the support of your Majesty's endeavours for so salutary a purpose. We have the most grateful sense of your Majesty's favourable opinion of our constant endeavours to promote the true interest of this country. We will, in all our deliberations upon points of a domestic nature, exert ourselves for the extension of our commerce, the improvement of the revenue, and the maintenance of order and government; and we flatter ourselves that your Majesty will not be disappointed in the gracious expectations you have formed of our zeal in the support of your Majesty's crown, and the reputation and prosperity of your kingdoms." The King's Answer.] Answer was as follows: "My Lords, His Majesty's "It gives me great satisfaction to find that you entertain so just a sense of the importance of peace, while that desirable object can be maintained consistently with the honour of my crown, and the rights of my people: you may depend upon my best endeavours to preserve that inestimable blessing, so long as it is compatible with objects still more essential to the happiness and prosperity of my kingdoms. "The affectionate part you take in the happy delivery of the Queen, and the increase of my family, gives me much pleasure." "We return your Majesty our most thankful acknowledgments, as well for the immediate demand, which your Majesty has been pleased to make from the court of Spain, of satisfaction for the injury received, as for the instant preparations that your Majesty made, to do yourself justice, in case your requisition should fail of procuring it; and we are exceedingly happy to be assured that your Majesty will think it expedient to continue prepared to assert the honour of your crown, and the security of the rights of your people, upon an event so deeply affecting both, until the injury shall be properly repaired, and satisfactory proof be given of the sincere resolution of other powers to preserve the general tranquillity of Europe. We, on We, on our part, beg leave to assure your Majesty, that we will not fail to make the ut- Lord Greville rose for the first time, most efforts in our power to maintain ob- and concluded a speech which was delijects so justly dear to us, as the dignity of vered with great timidity, by moving, your Majesty's crown, and the security of" That an humble Address be presented the national rights. to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House, for his most gracious Speech from the throne. "We are very happy to be informed, that the people in most of your Majesty's colonies in North America are departing from those combinations, which were calculated - to distress the commerce of this kingdom, Debate in the Commons on the Address of Thanks.*] The Commons being returned to their House, "To offer to his Majesty our congra • From the Gentleman's Magazine. |