rogatory to the honour and dignity of my crown, or injurious to the rights of my people.

"At the close of the last parliament, I expressed my satisfaction at the appearances which then induced me to believe

strangers, had contented himself with insisting, that there is a standing order to this effect, and that a standing order should be strictly observed, I should have thought it my duty to submit to his lordship's motion, though I confess with some reluctance. But when the noble lord, not satisfied with an authority paramount to all argument, thinks it necessary to give reasons for his opinion, he seems to admit that the point is at least disputable; therefore 1 hope he will permit me to offer some reasons to the House, why I differ from him entirely.

The only tolerable pretence for refusing admittance to strangers of decent appearance and behaviour, is, lest there should not be room for the members to attend to business with ease and convenience to themselves. Whenever this happens, and we all know how seldom it does happen, every member has a right (and I dare say his lordship will seldom fail to make use of it) to move that the House may be cleared. In every other light, I think that, so so far from being offended at the presence of strangers, we should wish to have as many witnesses as possible of all our proceedings. What his lordship's motives may be, I cannot pretend to determine; but, for my own part, as I am neither ashamed nor afraid of what I say in this House, I care not how soon, or how universally it is reported abroad. We are not a council of state, nor is it our business to deliberate upon, or direct the secret operations of government, though it be our duty sometimes to enquire into them. We are the representatives of the people, and in effect a popular assembly. To aim at secrecy in our debates, would not only be a vain and ridiculous attempt, but, I apprehend, absolutely contrary to the principle upon which this House is constituted. It would be turning a democratical assembly into the form of an aristocracy. The nobility of Venice wisely bar the doors of their senate-house, because they are not the representatives, but the tyrants of the people. Such a policy may be prudent and necessary, where the interests of a few who govern, are different from those of the many, who are governed. But I flatter myself, the noble lord will not insinuate, that the House of Commons and the people of Great Britain have different or separate interests from each other, or that we can have any views, which it may import us to conceal from our constituents. Such a case may possibly happen hereafter, but I am sure it cannot be said with any appearance of truth of the present House of Commons. His lordship tells us, that by admitting strangers to hear our debates, the speeches of the members are soon carried abroad and generally misrepresented.

Perhaps it may be so; but will barring our doors prevent that inconvenience? does he think that in an assembly of above five hundred persons, the discourses held here will not be carried abroad, will not be misrepresented? The members of this House are neither bound to secrecy, nor is our memory or judgment infallible. But if his anxiety turns chicfly upon this point, I would wish him to consider that a stranger, who sits quietly in the gallery, is much more likely to retain, with exactness, what he comes on purpose to hear, than a member who perhaps is interested in the debate, and who probably hears the arguments on one side with prejudice, while he listens with partiality to those of the other. Shall we then, Sir, without any reasonable motive whatsoever, give this House the appearance of a foreign inquisition? Shall it be said that a British House of Commons makes laws for the people, as some slavish courts of judicature abroad try state criminals, januis clausis? To the honour of our courts of justice, they are open to all mankind to make thein respectable in the eyes of the people. We are not indeed a court of judicature, but every argument for opening the courts in Wesminster-hall operates with equal or greater force upon us. We are a popular assembly. There is nothing secret in the nature of our business. By publishing our votes we admit that the nation has a right to be informed of our proceedings. But above all, it is of the highest importance to the people to know the sentiments and conduct of each particular member, that they may be able to form a just judgment of our integrity and ability, and in what manner we support the interests of our constituents. And shall motives such as these have no weight with us? Shall our inhospitable doors be closed, because one member is afraid of being misrepresented? I wish the noble lord was as cautious of what he writes in other places, as of what he says here. But in that respect he has taken care to be perfectly safe. The military manifesto, which he has thought proper to give under his hand, is too plain to be misunderstood, and too bad to be misrepresented.

*Lord Chatham saw with dissatisfaction many of the late ministerial proceedings; he was displeased with their conduct respecting America; indignant at the tranquillity with which his colleagues suffered the French to possess themselves of Corsica, and in many other respects discontented; he also felt great repugnance at seeing his name connected with men and measures so generally unpopular, and determined to resign. (October 15.) He

now find myself enabled to rejoice with you, upon the relief which the poorer sort of my people are now enjoying, from the distress which they had so long laboured under from the high price of corn. At the same time that we are bound devoutly to acknowledge, in this instance, the gracious interposition of Providence, it will become us to apply the best precautions that human wisdom can suggest, for guarding against the return of the late calamity. In the choice, however, of proper means for that purpose, you cannot proceed with too great circumspection.

breaking out afresh in some of my colonies in North America; and, in one of them, proceeding even to acts of violence, and of resistance to the execution of the law. The capital town of which colony appears by late advices to be in a state of disobedience to all law and government: and has proceeded to measures subversive of the constitution, and attended with circumstances that might manifest a disposition to throw off their dependence on Great Britain. On my part, I have pursued every measure that appeared to be necessary for supporting the constitution, and inducing a due obedience to the authority of the legislature, You may rely upon my steady perseverance in these purposes; and I doubt not but that, with your concurrence and support, I shall be able to defeat the mischievous designs of those turbulent and seditious persons, who, under false pretences, have but too successfully deluded numbers of my subjects in America; and whose practices, if suffered to prevail, cannot fail to produce the most fatal consequences to my colonies immediately; and, in the end, to all the dominions of my crown.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "The proper Estimates for the service of the ensuing year, I have ordered to be laid before you, fully relying on your readiness to grant me the necessary supplies. Indeed I cannot doubt of finding in this House of Commons the same affectionate attachment to my person and government as I have always hitherto experienced from my faithful Commons. My Lords and Gentlemen,

"It is with great satisfaction that I

would not even attend at court to announce his resolution, but sent the privy seal by lord Camden. This event was not unexpected. Lord Bristol was appointed in his stead; and as lord Camden still continued Chancellor, no material alterations took place." Adolphus.

"The earl of Chatham, the founder of the present ministry, borne down with infirmities, and totally disapproving of the measures of his colleagues, had long withdrawn from public business, and lately resigned his office of lord privy seal. The duke of Grafton, though first ford of the treasury, had been intended to act only a secondary and subordinate part, as in the same office the duke of Newcastle had done, during the splendid period of Mr. Secretary Pitt's administration. As the health of lord Chatham rendered him unequal to the exertions of his earlier years, the duke of Grafton actually became prime minister. The talents of this nobleman did not exceed

"I have nothing further to recommend to you than that, in all your deliberation, you keep up a spirit of harmony among yourselves. Whatever differences of opinion may prevail in other points, let it appear, that wherever the interest of your country is immediately concerned, you are all ready to unite. Such an example from you cannot fail of having the best effects from the temper of my people in every part of my dominions; and can alone produce that general union among ourselves, which will render us properly respected abroad, and happy at home."

The Lords' Address of Thanks.] His Majesty having retired, the following Address, moved by the earl of Pomfret, was agreed to by their lordships:

"Most Gracious Sovereign,

"We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne.

mediocrity, nor was he mature in political experience. So qualified, he was thrust by accident, rather than exalted by design, into a situation, to fill which, in the distracted state of affairs, required a minister of consummate abilities and wisdom. Lord North, while only chancellor of the exchequer, rarely exceeded his official business, or took an active share in the general concerns of administration. Lords Camden and Shelburne, both coinciding in the views and opinions of lord Chatham, had little connection with their colleagues in office. The other secretaries of state were not distinguished for political talents; so that, on the whole, the present ministry was far from possessing that combined ability and concert, that would have qualified them to manage with effect the manifold and complicated objects which demanded the attention of the British government. Such was the state of foreign, colonial, and domestic affairs, when the season arrived for the meeting of parliament." Bisset.

"We desire, with hearts full of gratitude, to acknowledge that royal goodness, so evidently manifest to all your people, by your Majesty's constant attention to the great commercial interests of this country we should be wanting on our part, if we did not apply to the consideration of them with that alacrity which objects so very important, and capable of producing the most essential benefits to the nation, demand of us.

"The resolution which your Majesty is pleased to express, that you will not suffer any attempt to be made derogatory to the honour and dignity of your crown, or injurious to the rights of your people, does, and ever will, call from us the assurances of our most cheerful support; nor do we conceive that any conduct can contribute more than this will, to render all the other powers of Europe as careful as your Majesty has ever been to avoid taking any step that may endanger the general tranquillity.

"We feel the most sincere concern, that any of our fellow subjects in North America, should be misled by factious and designing men into acts of violence and of resistance to the execution of the law, attended with circumstances that manifest a disposition to throw off their dependence upon Great Britain. At the same time that we shall be always ready to contribute to the relief of any real grievance of your Majesty's American subjects, we most unfeignedly give your Majesty the strongest assurances, that we shall ever zealously concur in support of such just and necessary measures as may best enable your Majesty to repress that daring spirit of disobedience, and to enforce a due submission to the laws; always considering, that it is one of our most essential duties, to maintain inviolate the supreme authority of the legislature of Great Britain over every part of the dominions of your Majesty's crown.

"We thankfully adore the merciful interposition of Providence, in the relief which the poorer sort of your Majesty's subjects have received from the distress they had so long laboured under, from the high price of corn: we shall apply our utmost attention to prevent, as far as in human prudence lies, the return of such a calamity, and shall give so important a subject that full consideration which the 'nature of it necessarily requires.

"Engaged in the deliberation of so many important matters, we beg leave to

assure your Majesty, that we shall studiously endeavour that our proceedings may testify our readiness to unite, wherever the interest of our country, and our attachment to your Majesty is concerned; happy if, by such an example, the deluded part of your Majesty's subjects may be induced to return to their duty, and gratefully feel the blessings of the mildest government and most perfect constitution."

The King's Answer.] His Majesty returned this Answer:

66

"My Lords,

"I received with great satisfaction the assurances you give of your resolution to pursue the commercial interests of this country, and your readiness to support the honour of my crown, and the rights of my people.

"Your zealous concurrence in every measure that can bring relief to my people is well known to me, nor do I doubt of the attention that you will always give to any real grievances of my American subjects. The strong assurances I receive from you at the same time of your determination to vindicate the just legislative authority of parliament over all the dominions of my crown, deserve my warmest approbation."

The Commons Address of Thanks.] The Commons being returned to their House, lord Henley moved an Address of Thanks. Warm debates however arose upon some parts of it; and many severe strictures were made upon the conduct of administration, in respect both to foreign affairs and those of the colonies. The dangerous breach of treaty, and violation of the general tranquillity, by the invasion of Corsica, and the spreading and baneful influence of the family compact, were strongly insisted upon by Mr. Burke. A total neglect of our foreign interests, as well as of those in which the general safety of Europe was concerned, was warmly urged; and, among many instances, the injuries sustained by our commerce in Portugal, and the non-residence of several of our foreign ministers at the courts to which they were appointed, were brought in proof by Mr. Grenville.

To these, and others it was answered, that addresses were to be considered as matters of form; in a great measure complimentary, and declarative of loyalty and thanks. That any disagreeable strictures in a form of that nature, which was to be immediately circulated throughout Eu

rope, would give foreigners a prejudicial idea of the harmony that subsisted between the king and his parliament. And that there was sufficient time to examine into the conduct of administration, and to censure any exceptionable parts of it, in the regular course of parliamentary busi

ness.

The Address was agreed to, as follows: "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne:

"And beg leave to congratulate your Majesty upon the safe delivery of the Queen, and the birth of another princess; an event which must afford the greatest comfort to all your Majesty's subjects, as it is an increase of your own domestic felicity, and an additional security that the blessings we enjoy under your Majesty's auspicious government will be continued to our latest posterity.

"We assure your Majesty, that, duly sensible of the importance of those great commercial interests pointed out to us by your Majesty, we will, with all convenient dispatch, enter upon the consideration of them, and will use our utmost endeavours to adjust and regulate them in such manner as may be productive of solid and lasting advantages to the public.

"We most gratefully acknowledge your Majesty's paternal regard for the ease and welfare of your people, which has made you ever desirous of continuing to them the blessings of peace; at the same time, we entirely rely on your Majesty's constant and watchful attention to the general interests of Europe; and feel the highest satisfaction from your gracious declaration that no consideration shall prevail on your Majesty to suffer any attempt which may be made, derogatory to the honour of your crown, or injurious to the rights of your people.

"We sincerely lament, that the arts of wicked and designing men should have been able to rekindle that flame of sedition in some of your Majesty's colonies in North America, which, at the close of the late parliament, your Majesty saw reason to hope was well nigh extinguished.

"We shall be ever ready to hear and redress any real grievance of your Majesty's American subjects; but we should betray the trust reposed in us, if we did not withstand every attempt to infringe or

weaken our just rights; and we shall always consider it as one of our most important duties, to maintain entire and inviolate the supreme authority of the legislature of Great Britain over every part of the British empire.

"We beg leave to present our most dutiful thanks to your Majesty, for having taken such steps as you judged necessary for supporting the constitution, and for repressing that spirit of faction and disobedience, which, in the chief town of one of your Majesty's colonies, appears to have proceeded even to acts of violence, in direct defiance of all legal authority; and we will, by every means in our power, cheerfully and zealously support your Majesty in all such future measures as shall be found requisite to enforce a due obedience to the laws, to restore order and good government where they have been disturbed, and to establish the constitutional dependance of the colonies on Great Britain, so essential to the interest and prosperity of both.

"With hearts full of gratitude to the Divine goodness, we partake of the joy which fills your Majesty's royal breast, on seeing the poorer sort of your people relieved from the distress which they have lately suffered by the high price of corn; and we will, by every prudent measure, endeavour to guard as far as in us lies against the return of that calamity.

"Your faithful Commons will with the utmost zeal and alacrity grant to your Majesty every necessary supply; and study to manifest in all their proceedings that uniform attachment to the public good, which your Majesty is graciously pleased to recommend to them, and of which your Majesty's own conduct furnishes an illustrious example."

The King's Answer.] His Majesty returned this Answer:

Motion for the Correspondence with France relating to Corsica.] Nov. 17. Mr. H. Seymour moved, "That copies of all the correspondence between the secretaries of state, and our ministers at the court of France, relative to the affairs of Corsica, from the 1st of January 1767, should be laid before the House; and also copies of all instructions to any of the said ministers and of all memorials and representations to or from the said court, with the several answers thereunto, upon the subject."

and of all orders and letters to the troops employed, or to the officers commanding them; and also copies of the several reports made to the War-office from such officers, during the riots in the month of May last."

The design of this motion was to enquire into the causes of the massacre in St. George's Fields; it was therefore opposed by the whole weight of administration. A warm discussion consequently arose, in which many parts of the conduct then observed were severely censured. Many gentlemen thought, that though in some instances some measures of government could not easily be defended; yet that in the present temper of the times, too minute an enquiry into the acts of government upon that occasion, or any public censure passed upon them, might serve too much to lower it in the public opinion, and to increase that licentiousness which was already too prevalent among the populace. On this principle, many in opposition either remained neuter, or fell in with administration. The motion was according

It was, however, said on the other hand, that every accession of power to France was dangerous to this country. That the situation of this island in the Mediterranean made it particularly so, and may be attended with the most pernicious effects to our commerce in that sea, besides the giving to France a great and dangerous influence in the affairs of Italy. It was said that England had paid a constant attention for many years, to the preservation of a due equilibrium in the affairs of Europe, to which we are indebted not only for security, but for a great part of our national power and influence. That instead of descending to a minute calculation of the exact value of Corsica, or rating it at a chapman's price in a sale to France, we were to consider this invasion as a violent breach of treaty, and subversive of that equilibrium. The fact as to the harbours was denied; as to the danger of a war with France, it was said, that if she was prepared and willing to come to such an extremity, for a matter of no consequence or value, we might look upon the war as already declared, as the want of a pretence could not give a moment's delay.

A motion was also made for an Address "That there be laid before the House, copies of all applications from the civil magistrates to the War-office for troops,

by a very great majority.

Proceedings in both Houses respecting the Discontents in America.] December 15. In the House of Lords the order of the day for the further consideration of the American Papers being read: it was moved,* " To resolve, by the Lords spiriHARDWICKE PAPERS. Minute of Proceed

ings in the House of Lords, December 15, 1768.

Lord Hillsborough moved eight Resolutions founded on the Papers.

The duke of Bedford moved an address to thank the King for laying the papers before parliament-to approve, in general, the conduct of administration, and to advise the crown to have informations sent over here in case any act of treason or misprision of treason have been tried in this country under the authority of the committed in the province, and to have them statute 35th of Henry 8th.

Agreed to without a division, but with some debate, and then ordered to be communicated to the House of Commons.

Lord Temple declared that he thought them all nugatory-a paper war with the coloniesand then went out of the House.

The duke of Richmond rather cavilled at the tions. He called for some papers to be read Resolutions than stated any particular objecwhich he thought were not exceptionable, but ou examination they turned out so, as only allowing the right of the legislature to bind the