those of a dream in the night, all incoherence and confusion. tion of their discontent; the others deny that even this rabble, this scum of the earth is discontented; they have travelled the country through, and they find no discontent any where: both representations cannot be true, and it rests with these immaculate gentlemen to determine, by which they will abide. It matters, indeed, not much what they pretend; it is manifest that such counsel is given and such measures pursued, as cannot fail to destroy that confidence and harmony which should ever subsist between a prince and his people: military executions have been wantonly exercised and wickedly countenanced; murders have been abetted, and murderers protected, encouraged and rewarded: public money has been shamefully squandered, and no account given of millions that have been misapplied to the purposes of venality and corruption: obsolete and vexatious claims of the crown have been revived, with a view to influ He has told us, Sir, that the people have been persuaded there are grievances, by writing, meeting, and speaking; but if it is a fault to persuade by writing, meeting, and speaking, let him tell us what means of persuasion more eligible he has discovered. Writing, and meeting, and speaking, about grievances, do not make them: it has, indeed, been insinuated that our grievances are imaginary, because they are such as the peasants, or artificers of Yorkshire would not immediately feel, nor perhaps discover till they felt. But if those who see oppression in its distant though certain approach, if those who see the subversion of liberty in its cause are always few, does it follow that there never are approaches to oppression, or remote causes of the subversion of liberty? If the few who can and do discover effects in their causes open the eyes of others, if those who see the rights of election invad-ence the elections of members to sit in the ed in Middlesex, acquaint the graziers and clothiers of remote counties with their interest in the event and its consequences, are they, for that reason, leaders of a faction, actuated by personal and selfish views? If when all who are interested see their danger and seek redress, does it follow that they implicitly re-echo a causeless complaint? Or when redress is refused them, can it be pretended that they are well affected? The ministers of the unhappy Charles the first told the same tales that are told now, and practised the same arts of delusion. When the people were ready to tear the crown from his head, they persuaded him that he was the idol of their hearts, that there was no discontent but among those who endeavoured to open his eyes; and that he had no enemies, but those who endeavoured to remove from his presence those who were bringing him to the block. He was soothed with this fatal falshood to his very dying hour, and he was weak enough to believe even upon the scaffold, that his affectionate people would not let him suffer. But some of our ministerial gentlemen insist, that there are no grievances; others venture to deny that there are complaints. Those who admit that there are complaints, but deny that there are grievances, say, that the rabble, the base-born, the scum of the earth, are always discontented, and eagerly fasten upon any thing that is held up before them, as a justifica[VOL. XVI. ] House; the majority of one branch of the legislature have arrogantly assumed the power of the whole, and daringly superseded the law of the land by their resolutions; the humble petitions of the people to their gracious sovereign refused and discountenanced. The same baneful influence under which this country is governed, is extended to our fellow sufferers in America; the constitutional rights of Englishmen are invaded, and money raised upon the subject without his consent: whole legislative assemblies have been suspended, for no other reason than their having assented to unalienable rights of their constituents; British subjects in America have been threatened to be seiz ed and brought to England, for crimes supposed to have been committed there: menaces have been used to intimidate the legislature of our provinces, and extort a compliance with ministerial requisitions that are altogether arbitrary and unjust: their admiralty courts are supported in the exercise of an oppressive power, by which the property of the subject is put into the hands of officers, who are interested in their condemnation; and now let me ask the most hardy of the ministerial hirelings, if there are no grievances. At a time, Sir, when our taxes are higher than they have been at any former period, and trade every where declining, when our brethren in America are driven from the bosom of their mother country, to the arms of foreign nations, whom their [3 A] commerce will strengthen and enrich, when in every part of our dominions, the best, the wisest, and the most moderate men are ready to forget their allegiance, these hardened profligates sit unmoved, and would gravely persuade us, that there are neither grievances, discontents, nor complaints! While the vessel of state is beaten by a storm that threatens destruction, they are neither in the distress, nor sensible of the danger: they do nothing either for those who trim the sails, nor for him that holds the helm, but stand, like horned cattle in the hold, torpid, and insensible to all the horrors that surround them. Are these the men that are selected to carry on the government of a great nation? Look round, and you will find them all of a class. from the plan which affords the sincerest and most permanent foundation of public tranquillity and happiness: no, my lord, we are sure our most gracious sovereign, under whatever changes may happen in his confidential servants, will remain immutable in the ways of truth and justice, and that he is incapable of deceiving his faithful subjects; and we esteem your lordship's information, not only as warranted but even sanctified by the royal word." In answer to this address, says his lordship, "Your kind and affectionate address heightens my present, and fills me with the most delightful expectations of my fully answering the purposes of my royal master. May the Almighty secure to me that most desirable object, by directing your councils for the advantage and prosperity of all his Majesty's extensive dominions, and may you continue a loyal, free, and happy people, until time shall be no more!" Whom have they selected in these perilous times to soothe the animosity, and reconcile the differences that now unhappily subsist between our colonies and the mother country? I need not name the It is said, Sir, that the children of this man; every body knows him as a pro-world are wiser in their generation than jector, as one who by wild and chimerical the children of light; and if we judge of schemes, has not only so embarrassed his his lordship from his speech upon this own affairs as to render his stay in this principle, I think we must certainly concountry impracticable, but brought irre- clude, that he is not a child of this world: trievable ruin upon many others. These it is somewhat unfortunate, that the same are services which it was thought proper speech furnishes equal evidence that he to reward; this is a character which ad- is not one of the children of light. The ministration determined to appropriate: address which in his lordship's opinion the self banishment of this fugitive, there- is both kind and affectionate, seems to fore, was dignified with an honourable have at least as much of the subtilty of the commission, and he that could no longer serpent, as the milkiness of the dove: it live in his own country, was made governor expresses hope and confidence in a manner of another; he who brought his own af- that implies fear and distrust: his lordship, fairs as a private individual into irremedi- however, whether by his simplicity or his able confusion is sent in a public character prudence, has taken it literally; what to superintend those of a numerous and commercial people. My worthy friend, Sir, obtained leave to read as a sample of this noble lord's abilities to execute his trust, part of his speech to the assembly of Virginia, I hope therefore that I shall be indulged in a like favour. "It adds greatly," says the house of burgesses in Virginia, "to our satisfaction and confidence, to hear from your excellency, that his Majesty's present administration, has at no time entertained a design of proposing to parliament the laying any farther taxes upon America for the purposes of raising a revenue, and we will not suffer our present hopes, arising from the pleasing prospect your lordship has so kindly opened and displayed to us, to be dashed by the bitter reflection that any future adminisstration will entertain a wish to depart present' it was that this address heightened, cannot easily be guessed, perhaps he might mean his appointments, a present from the British ministry to British merit. But whatever sense might be couched under this oracular obscurity, with respect to that which the address heightened,' there can be no doubt about what the address filled,' which is manifestly, no other than his lordship himself; what it filled him with, is also expressed with great clearness, elegance, and precision; it filled him with expectations of fully answering the purposes of his royal master, which must, as he says, be delightful expectations. Devotion has unfortunately been the common veil of pernicious designs, and I am sorry to say, that his lordship's conclusion of this speech with an ejaculation, as a parson does his sermon, put me in mind of the wag in the play, who follows an honest gentleman with "God bless and preserve your honour's worship," while he is slily picking his pocket. I hope his excellency will forgive me, but I shrewdly suspect that he had it in commission to make his American brethren slaves, while he was thus devoutly praying that they might be for ever free. I shall not now enquire into the right of Great Britain to tax her colonies, "all that is lawful is not expedient," and, I believe the inexpediency of taxing our colonies, even supposing it to be lawful, is now evident to every man in this kingdom. If by the same folly and infatuation which produced the mischief at first, it is now rendered irremediable, the grievance is not certainly the less, but the greater. It would be easy to shew that the tax upon America would have been inadequate to the purpose for which it was imposed, if every shilling of it had been levied; and the experiment has abundantly convinced us that this nation has lost, still loses, and must continue to lose a much greater annual sum than it would have amounted to by the non-exportation of goods that have already paid a duty for the purposes of a revenue to our colonies in America, which would otherwise have been consumed there. The benefit of those that are governed is the ultimate end of all government, and not any supposed dignity of the governing power. It is very easy to discover what measures would now tend most to the general advantage both of the colonies and the mother country: and there can be no doubt but that these measures ought to be pursued, whatever mortification may ensue to the trustees of public power, who either weakly or wickedly have betrayed their charge. If the right of taxation should be waved, not to say given up, there is no reasonable pretence that the colonies will shake off their dependance they will, even in that case, depend, at least in their own estimation, upon British government, as much as any British subject on this side the water, and all they contend for is, that this dependance shall not be more. There can be no doubt, but that our colonies think they do right in those very particulars in which we affect to think they do wrong; they think they are struggling for that liberty which we enjoy, while we charge them with an attempt to shake off the government to : which we submit. The question is, in itself, doubtful; if that may be said to be doubtful, about which some of the wisest and best men in the kingdom, have formed opposite opinions; the consequences of remitting the duties are well known, as well as the consequences of continuing them; and I leave every disinterested and dispassionate man in the kingdom, to determine which is most eligible. Our grievances, Sir, are indisputable, they are known to all Europe; and the eyes of all Europe are upon us this day, expecting that they should not have been passed over in silence: they have engaged their conversation, as well as our feelings, and when this hour of expected redress is at last arrived, how are we disappointed! how are we mortified! Instead of being regarded as persons capable of redressing public grievances, or guardians of the liberties of our electors, we are only recommended to suppress an infection now raging among the horned cattle, as if the members of this hon. House possessed only the qualification of cow doctors. How shall we account for this strange proceeding? Cannot we perceive that this is the echo of a venal administration, who are at once daring and feeble, and who being practised in corruption, have fitted themselves for the worst purposes; who have been so hackneyed in all that is wicked and mean, that they have lost all sense both of virtue and honour, and are reduced to the last alternative, an impudent perseverance? Lord Barrington defended the character of lord Botetourt, and concluded with saying, that he had not one enemy in America. Mr. George Grenville spoke in favour of the Amendment. Mr. Solicitor General Dunning also spoke for, and voted with, the minority. Sir William Meredith observed, that one part of the Address, namely, thanking the King for his approbation of the conduct of the House, would be construed without doors, that the King approved the Resolutions of the House in respect to the Middlesex Election; whereas every endeavour should be used to keep him from being a party in the present disputes. Mr. Charles Fox * observed, that from This is the first recorded parliamentary essay of the honourable Charles James Fox. the licence gentlemen had taken in their | Manners, George Mr. Burke, in answer, said, that it was not what the House meant, but how the people without doors would take it; however, he was very glad to hear that the House meant nothing by their Address. At length the House divided on the proposed Amendment: Ayes 138-Noes 254. List of the Minority. Dawkins, H. Dowdeswell, Wm. Downe, lord Donegal, lord Fitzmaurice, T. Grenville, George Martin, Joseph Saville, sir George Scrope, T. Skipwith, T. G. Thomond, lord The Commons Address of Thanks.] The Address was as follows: "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne. "We cannot but look upon it as a very serious misfortune, that, notwithstanding every precaution which could be used for preventing the communication of the infectious disorder among the horned cattle from foreign parts, that most alarming distemper appears to have again broke out in some parts of the kingdom: at the same time, we are truly sensible of your Majesty's paternal care and vigilance for the security of your people, in having given the earliest directions for every mea sure to be pursued, that might be most likely to give an immediate check to the first spreading of the infection; and we will not fail to take this most important matter into our immediate consideration; and to make such provisions as shall appear best calculated to carry into effectual and complete execution your Majesty's salutary intentions; and thereby, as far as by human means can be accomplished, to guard against the danger of of so great a calamity becoming general. "Earnestly desirous of justifying to all the world your Majesty's gracious declaration of your confidence in us, we will make it our study to avoid all heats and animosities, and to cultivate that harmony amongst ourselves, which, we are truly sensible, is at this time peculiarly neces sary, to give weight to our deliberations, to establish the prosperity, and to maintain in its true lustre, the reputation of this country. "Your faithful Commons have too just a sense of the blessings of peace, and feel with your Majesty too tender a concern for the ease of their fellow subjects, not to rejoice at the prospect which the assurances given by the other great powers of Europe afford to your Majesty, that the present disturbances will not extend to any part where the security, honour, or interest of this nation may make it necessary "And while we on our part are faithfor your Majesty to become a party. We fully executing the trust reposed in us, have the fullest confidence that your Ma- by endeavouring to the utmost of our jesty will never be unmindful of those im- power to promote these good ends, we portant objects; and we observe, with trust that all who live under this happy great satisfaction, your Majesty's wise constitution will be convinced how indisattention to the general interests of Eu- pensably it is their duty to pay that oberope, in your determination not to acknow-dience to the laws, and just reverence to ledge any claims of any of the other powers of Europe, contrary to the limitations of the late treaties of peace. "We sincerely lament, that your Majesty's endeavours to bring back your subjects in America to a just sense of their duty have hitherto proved so little successful. The state of your Majesty's government there does undoubtedly well deserve the serious attention of parliament; and no endeavours shall be wanting on our part, to make effectual provisions against the unwarrantable measures carried on in some of your Majesty's colonies, which are so irreconcilable to every principle of commercial subserviency to the interest of the mother country that ought to prevail in colonies, and which, by attempting to subject the highest legal authority to the controul of individuals, tend to subvert the foundation of all govern ment. "Your Majesty may be assured that we will, with the utmost cheerfulness and dispatch, grant the necessary supplies for the service of the current year. "We acknowledge with the warmest gratitude, that the welfare of these kingdoms has been the constant object of your Majesty's wishes, and the unvaried rule of your actions. Permit us, Sir, at the same time, to offer to your Majesty our most dutiful thanks, for the favourable opinion which your Majesty is pleased to entertain of the conduct of your parliament; and to assure your Majesty, that we will steadily perseverve in such principles, as are most agreeable to the true spirit of this free constitution, and invariably pursue such measures as are most conducive to the real happiness of the people. lawful authority, by which alone their own rights can be preserved, and the distinguished blessings which they enjoy above all other nations be rendered secure and permanent." The King's Answer.] His Majesty returned this Answer: "Gentlemen, "I return you my sincere thanks, for your loyal and dutiful Address. I see with great pleasure, the continuance of that zeal and public spirit, which I have always experienced from my faithful Commons, in the assurances you give me of paying an early attention to the important objects recommended to your consideration. My interests and those of my people must ever be the same; and, in pursuing such measures as are most conducive to their real happiness, you will give to me the truest and most acceptable testimony of your attachment to my person and government." Protest against a Motion for an Adjournment.] January 15. The Marquis of Rockingham gave notice that he had a motion of great importance to make, and moved, "That all the Lords be summoned on the 17th instant." Upon which, lord Weymouth moved to adjourn to the 22nd. Upon which a debate arose ; and on a division, the adjournment was carried: "Dissentient.' "1. Because the noble lord, who moved the House, on Monday last, that the Lords should be summoned for Wednesday, had declared in his speech, that he meant, on that day, to make a motion, which, in its |