nomenon, namely, the continuance, and even increase, of the commercial intercourfe between Great Britain and America; after the latter had, by the affiftance of France, established her inde. pendence. This very fact, at which Monfieur Talleyrand (we afk his pardon, the Prince of Benevento!) ftates, as a matter of furprise, was, in fubftance, predicted in His Majefty's fpeech to Parlia ment in 1783, in which he announced his having confented to the independence of America; but expreffed a confident hope, that fimilarity of religion, cuftoms, manners, and language, would ftill form a bond of union berween the two nations. To the fame causes the author before us afcribes the re-establishment and extenfion of their mutual commercial relations, with this addition, (which we prefume was thrown in ad captandum) that "the inconfiderate conduct of the ancient government of France laid, in a greater degree than is imagined, the foundation of the fuccefs of England." Then are other, and we think more fen. fible obfervations, on the fources of that preference which the Americans fhow for English manufactures; of which the long credit which English merchants can afford to give, is undoubt edly one of the principal. Some remarks upon the various cha racters and manners of the American people, are worthy of attention; but what the Citizen Prince afferts refpecting the absence of all "parties, factions and hatred," from among them, cannot, we conceive, have been true, (as afferted in a note) even when this Memoir was written. In the fame note he, in our opinion, very unjustly accufes the federal party of "labouring to replace America under the yoke of Great Britain." This is adopting an unfounded calumny of their adverfaries. At the clofe of this Memoir the author draws certain conclu. fions, which are trite, but true; with the exception of one, which afferts, that "when liberty of confcience is refpected, every other right cannot fail to be fo," We know not that liberty of confcience is denied at prefent in France; but we know that every other right is grofsly violated in that country. In the Effay, which follows, are fome obfervations on the principles of free and of arbitrary governments, which fhow that the now "Prince of Benevento" was then "Citizen Talleyrand." -The object of this Effay is to recommend the planting of new colonies (chiefly in Africa) for the reception of thofe French families who had been ruined by the revolution. There is little ingenuity in this Effay; and the plan fuggefted does not feem to have been adopted by the government of France. ART. 20. papers papers. Second Edition, with Supplementary Remarks. 8vo. 136 pp. Longman, &c. 1806. In our account of the able, and undoubtedly fpecious tract by the Earl of Selkirk on the fubject of emigration from the Highlands, we were careful to exprefs our diffent from some of the noble author's opinions, although our limits would not permit a full difcuffion of them. Moft of thofe opinions are combated, with great zeal and adequate ability, by the writer before us. His letters, firft published in a newspaper, were undoubtedly worthy of republication: for if, as he infifts, emigration may be, in a great degree, prevented by thofe methods which the Earl of Selkirk takes pains to explode, and if (as feems too probable) the meafures of the noble lord to allure emigrants to his own colony may operate to the general encouragement of emigration, the pub lic, who feem to have given great weight to his arguments and great credit to his measures, cannot be too foon undeceived. The author agrees with his noble adverfary as to the original caufe of Highland emigration, but differs widely from the opinion that it's effects are irremediable. On the contrary he deems that those effects were but temporary, and will ceafe when the proper remedies have been for fome time diligently applied. Thefe topics are treated fenfibly, though rather in a defultory manner, in the letters figned Amicus, but more forcibly and argumentatively in the "Supplementary Obfervations." In thofe obfervations, after obviating feveral mifapprehenfions of the noble Earl (as this author feems juftly to deem them) on the fubject of Highland emigration, the writer goes at large into the measures of prevention which have been propofed, viz. the improvement of wafte-lands, the manufactures, the fisheries, and the reftriction regu lations. The three former, he contends on ftrong grounds, may be rendered in a great degree efficacious towards preventing the evil complained of; the latter, he infifts, have not be carried to an undue extent, as they only guard against abuses in the conveyance of emigrants, and by no means deprive them of their due freedom. In the course of his arguments he juftifies the conduct of a public fpirited affociation, cenfured in fome degree by the Earl of Selkirk, viz. the Highland Society, and he refers, with great approbation, to fome ftrictures on the noble Earl's pamphlet by Mr. Brown, a work which has not yet come under our notice. The pamphlet before us, however, fufficiently fhows that the subject should not be taken up partially, and that the Earl of Selkirk's opinions, however plaufible, should not be adopted without a full and attentive examination. See British Critic, vol. xxvII. p. 374. ART. APT. 21. The Prefent Claims and Complaints of America, briefly and fairly confidered. 8vo. 56 pp. 25. Hatchard. 1806. The "Claims and Complaints of America," have been ably and fully difcuffed in feveral political tracts; fome of which we have noticed at large*. Thofe claims have been lately, and we truft, finally fettled, by a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; which, when it fhall be publifhed, we are willing to hope, will be found confiftent with the bonour and interefts of the country. Till then, it would be indecent to anticipate its contents, or agitate queftions which are now amicably, and (we must affume) honourably adjusted. It will, hereafter, be open to every writer to arraign or to applaud, the conduct of minifters on the fettlement of this important controverfy; at prefent, all reafonings on the fubject would be premature, as they might not be fupported by the fact. We fhall, therefore, only obferve, of the pamphlet before us, (which confifts of letters from two different gentleinen) that it maintains the right of this country to prohibit the trade of neutrals with the colonial poffeffions of our enemies, with fpirit and ability, The authors apply their arguments chiefly to the letter of the American minifter, Mr. Munroe, to Lord Mulgrave; which we noticed t, on a former occafion, as a temperate and ingenious, but by no means an unanswerable production. In this anfwer, the right to prohibit the trade in queftion is maintained, on the fame principles as thofe which interdict the commerce of neutrals with blockaded ports. We had ‡ before thrown out this topic of argument, and are glad to find our opinion corroborated by the fenfible writers before us, whom we would cite at fome length, but for the reason we have ftated. ART. 22. An Examination of the alledged Expediency of the American Intercourse Bill; refpectfully infcribed to Robert Curling, Efq. and the other Gentlemen who compofe the Committee of Ship Owners. 8vo. 30 PP. 15. Afperne. 1806. The Act for allowing the importation of certain articles of commerce to the West India islands in American veffels, was, we remember, ftrongly oppofed in Parliament, and is confidered by many intelligent perfons as unneceffary, and injurious to the shipping interest of Great Britain. On fuch a fubject, decided (for the prefent at leaft) by Parliament, we do not prefume to judge. We will only ftate the outline of this author's arguments against * See British Critic, Vol. xxvii. p. 29, and Vol. xxviii, p. 562-4-6. + See British Critic, Vol. xxviii. p. 566. See Vol. xxviii. p. 563. the the measure, as it is highly probable the fubject may again claim the attention of the legislature; although the work before us feems to have been published before the Bill had paffed. The writer commences his reafoning with the following question; which, as he juftly obferves, involves the whole argument of the advocates of the measure ::- "Can we" (he afks)" from our own poffeffions, fupply the Weft India Iflands with the articles which this Bill will allow them to import in American veffels? Can we, from Great Britain, Ireland, Canada, &c, furnish our Weft India colonies with all the different fpecies of lumber and provifion which the American intercourfe bill embraces ?”— "The expences and hazards to which Britifh fhipping are now exposed are," he states, "fuppofed to preclude the British merchant from entering into competition with the American trader in the fupplies required by the Weft India planter."-To this allegation the author, on the part of the fhip-owners, replies, that their veffels are more than fufficient, to infure at all times, both in peace and war, when properly protected, the carriage of a regular and conftant fupply of provifion and lumber to the Britifh Weft Indies." This affertion (which feems to be copied from a refolution of the fhip owners) is followed by a very ferious charge against government; a charge which, had it been fupported in Parliament, muft not only have prevented the Bill in queftion from being paffed, but have involved the naval adminif tration of the country in deep difgrace. We are told, that "the fhameful infufficiency of our convoys and the little respect which the trade in general receives from his Majefty's fhips, are too notorious to require animadverfion." Were fuch a fact notorious, or could it be proved, it would, we are convinced, receive the most serious animadverfion. We shall not enter into the author's argument, which he purfues at fome length, that the best mode of defeating the commercial hoftility of France, is by adhering ftrictly to the Navigation Laws. On this point we have our doubts; but the confideration of this part of the fubject would lead us beyond our limits. It deferves, and we truft will receive, a full inveftigation. But we incline much to the opinion of this author, that government should not, in any degree, facrifice the intereft of British fubjects to the clamours of the American people; whofe conduct (as well as that of their government) is feverely, and we fear not unjustly reprobated. We trust that no fuch facrifice will appear to have been made, when the commercial treaty lately made with America, fhall be laid before Parliament. ART. 23. Recollections of the Life of the late Right Honourable Charles James Fox; exhibiting a faithful Account of the most remarkable Events of his Political Career, and a Delineation of his Character as a Statefman, Senator, and Man of Fashion, Comprehending numerous Anecdotes of bis Public and Private Life; and an accurate Defeription of the Ceremonies which took place at his Funeral, in Westminster Abbey, on the 10th of October, 1806. By B. C. Walpole, Efq. 12mo. 265 pp. 65. Cundee. 1806. The curiofity which, on the decease of a perfon fo highly dif tinguifhed as Mr. Fox, naturally arifes in the minds of many for information refpecting his life and character, may here receive a temporary gratification. To thofe who have traced his political life from its commencement to its clofe, this work can prefent but little novelty, and of that novelty ftill lefs that is interefting. Of the anecdotes here related, moft are trifling and fome inaccurate; particularly that injurious fabrication respecting the Duke of Newcastle and Sir Henry Clinton; as it was not Sir Henry, but Lord Thomas Clinton (then the Duke's fecond fon) who reprefented Weftminster, and who certainly never had fuch a difpute with his father as is here stated of Sir Henry Clinton. Upon the whole, this compilation, which is almost entirely taken from newspapers, magazines, and parliamentary registers, is but a catchpenny publication. Yet, it may ferve its purposes, till a better written account of Mr. Fox fhall appear. MEDICINE. ART. 24. Admonitory Hints on the Ufe of Sea Bathing. By J. Peake, Surgeon. 8vo. 35 pp. Price 1s. 6d. Rivingtons. 1806. This author has the merit of having collected into a small com pafs, all the rules, effential to be obferved by perfons vifiting the fea coaft, for the purpose of bathing. In general it may be ufeful, he fays, to premife a gentle cathartic or two, and if the perfons are very feeble, and delicate, it might be proper to try the effects of a tepid bath, two or three times, before they venture into the fea. It is better to take only a fingle plunge, at each bathing, and not to bathe oftener than three times in the week. Perfons fhould not bathe the morning after having danced, or after having drank a more than ufual quantity of wine; a tepid, or warm bath, would prove more refreshing at fuch times. The author concludes with faying, "that the season for fea bathing may commence in April, or May, and conclude with November. That the bath fhould be continued for five or fix weeks, and for fcrofula, as many months, and in general, that fea bathing is better calculated to relieve the complaints of the young, than of those who are advanced in years." Though there is nothing new in the obfervations we have recited, nor in what the author fays of the difeafes for which fea bathing has been par ticularly recommended, yet the concife form in which the rules and |