GOUT-WEED-GOVERNMENT. by a careful avoidance of most of the common dissipations of youth. That the disease may be warded off in this way, there is ample evidence; and it is not less certain that there is no other way of living secure from gout. The treatment of the fit, in so far as it does not resolve itself into the celebrated prescription of patience and flannel,' must be a subject of medical prescription. The well-known virtues of Colchicum (q. v.) are perhaps somewhat overrated by the public; and its dangers are not less striking than its virtues. It is certain, however, that in cautious medical hands colchicum is a remedy of great value in the gouty paroxysm; and of equal value perhaps are certain natural mineral waters, as those of Vichy and Carlsbad. Alkalies and their salts, especially potash and lithia waters, as prepared artificially, with minute doses of iodine and bromine, have likewise been much recommended for the cure of gouty deposits. For the distinctions of gout and rheumatism, and the presumed relation between them in some cases, see RHEUMATISM. GOUT-WEED, or BISHOP-WEED (Egopodium podagraria), a perennial umbelliferous plant, with coarse twice ternate leaves, ovate unequally serrate leaflets, stems from one to three feet high, and compound umbels; now a very common weed in gardens and waste grounds in Britain, although believed to have been originally introduced by the monks from the continent of Europe, on account of the virtue ascribed to it of allaying the pain of gout and piles. It is a troublesome weed, very difficult of eradication. Its medicinal virtue is now discredited. Its smell is not agreeable, but its young leaves are used in Sweden in early spring as a pot-herb. Another English name is Herb Gerard. GO'VAN, a thriving village or small town of Scotland, in the county of Lanark, is pleasantly situated two miles west of Glasgow, with which it is connected by an elegant line of villas, on the left bank of the Clyde. The prosperity of G. is chiefly dependent upon Glasgow, into which indeed it has become almost absorbed. It now contains several ship-building yards, which are carried on by Glasgow firms. There are also at G. a dye-work and a factory for throwing silk. Pop. (1861) 7636. In the 16th c., this ancient village was considered one of the largest in Scotland, and even down to the middle of the 17th c., it received the name of 'Meikle Govane.' GOVERNMENT, in its political signification, may be considered as including the power by which communities are ruled, and the means by which, and the form and manner in which, this power is exercised. In treating of the subject, we shall first indicate those characteristics that seem essential to the existence of government altogether, and then proceed to mention the various forms which its machinery has assumed, or is capable of assuming. 1. It is of the essence of every government that it shall represent the supreme power or sovereignty of the state, and that it shall thus be capable of subjecting every other will in the community, whether it be that of an individual, or of a body of individuals, to its own. There is and can be no constitutional or fundamental law, not self-imposed, which is binding on a government in this, its highest sense. Whatever be the restraints which humanity, Christianity, or prudence may impose upon governments as on individuals, it is implied in the idea of a government that it should be politically responsible to no human power, at least for its internal arrangements, or in the language of politics, that it should be autonomous. The governments of states which are members 1 of a confederation-as, for example, the states of the American republic, or the Swiss cantons-do not, it is true, possess this independent character. But in so far as they fall short of it, they are deficient in the characteristics of a government in the absolute sense, just as the states are states, not in the highest, but only in a subsidiary sense. The sovereign power with which government is thus armed may be an expression either of the general will of the community itself, as in free states, or of the will of a conqueror, and of the army which supports him, as in subject states. In the former case, the power of government over the individual citizen is as absolute as in the latter; but there is this very important difference between them, that in the former case he himself voluntarily contributes a portion of the absolute power to which he submits, whereas in the latter it is entirely independent of his volition. In the power which government possesses of controlling every other will, is implied the power of protecting every separate will from being needlessly or wrongfully controlled by any other will, or number of wills, the will of the government always excepted. to the exercise of this latter power, government possesses a right, which politically is also unlimited -the right, namely, of inquiry into the relations between citizen and citizen. It is of its essence that its scrutiny should be as irresistible as the execution of its decrees. 2. Every government, whatever be its form, seeks the realisation of what we have of three distinct functions, which are known as its described as its necessary character, by the exercise legislative, judicial, and executive functions. The first, or legislative function of government, consists in expressing its sovereign will with reference to a particular matter, irrespective altogether of the effect which it may have on the interests of individuals; the second, or judicial, consists in applying the general rule, thus enunciated, to individual cases in which disputes as to its application have arisen; whilst the third, or executive function, consists in carrying into effect the determinations of the sovereign will, whether these determinations be expressed in the exercise of its legislative or its judicial functions. With a view In large communities, which are at the same time free-that is to say, in which the general will of legislative functions of government almost necesthe people is sovereign-the performance of the sarily implies the existence of a general council, parliament, or as it is often called, a legislature; whilst the performance of its judicial functions implies the existence of judges and courts of justice, and of its executive that of a police and an army. But all of these, like the existence of councils of ministers, or servants of the sovereign willgovernments in the narrower sense-and the rules by which their appointment, resignation, &c., are regulated, are practical necessities of government in certain circumstances, not theoretical necessities of government in the abstract. The forms in which communities have sought to realise the idea of government, as thus explained, have been divided, from very early times, into three classes: 1st, monarchy, or that form in which the sovereignty of the state is placed in the hands of a single individual; 2d, aristocracy, or that in which it is confided to a select class, supposed to be possessed of peculiar aptitude for its exercise; and, 3d, democracy, or that in which it is retained by the community itself, and exercised either directly, as in the small republics of ancient Greece, or indirectly, by means of representative institutions, as in the constitutional states of modern times. Each of these forms of political organization, GOVERNMENT. if called into existence by an expression of the general will of the community, maintained by its consent, and employed for its benefit, is said to be a legitimate government (Aristot. Politic. lib. iii. c. 5) that is to say, a government which vindicates the interests of the collective body of the people without needlessly encroaching on individual freedom of action. But each of these legitimate forms was said by the ancient publicists (Aristot. ut sup. and iii. 4, 7) to have a particular degenerate form to which it was prone. Monarchy tended in the direction of tyranny, or a government for the exclusive benefit of the single ruler; aristocracy to oligarchy, or a government for the exclusive benefit of the ruling class; and democracy to ochlocracy, or mob-government—a government in which the majority, who were necessarily the rudest and most ignorant portion of the community, exercised a tyranny over the more refined and cultivated few. Through these various forms, in the order in which we have enumerated them, each legitimate form being followed by its corresponding degenerate or perverted form, government was supposed to run in a perpetual cycle; the last form, ochlocracy, being followed by anarchy, or no government at all, which formed a species of interregnum so abhorrent to the social and political instincts of mankind as to induce them speedily to revert to monarchy, at the expense of subjecting themselves to a repetition of the misfortunes which they had already experienced. As a refuge from these evils, the so-called mixed government, or government which should combine the elements of order and permanence of two, at least, if not of all the three pure forms of government, whilst rejecting their tendencies to derangement and degeneracy, is supposed to have been devised. A union of aristocracy and democracy was the form in which Aristotle conceived the mixed government, and spoke of it under the title of the politeia. But the tripartite government was not unknown to speculators of even an earlier date. Plato had shadowed it forth in his laws, and Aristotle himself tells us that it had been treated of by other writers (Politic. ii. c. 3). Who these writers really were has been a subject of much speculation, but there is reason to believe that their works contained mere hints of the principle, and the first writer with whom we are acquainted to whose mind its practical importance was fully present is Polybius, who, with Cicero, by whom he was very closely followed in 'the Republic,' holds it to have been realised in the Roman constitution. The most famous example of the mixed government, however, is supposed to be exhibited in that balance of powers which has been so often said to form the essence of the English constitution. But in addition to the fact that these are not separate powers, but only separate organs of the one power or sovereignty which in free states is of necessity centered in the general will (see CONSTITUTION), it is extremely doubtful whether any period could be pointed out, either in our own history or in the history of any other nation, in which the sovereignty did not find expression obviously either through the one, the few, or the many; or whether such a period, if it did exist, was not a mere period of struggle and transition. are ave growing' while men are sleeping;' but that in every stage of their existence they are made what they are by human voluntary agency (p. 4). This absolute power of human choice, however, is limited by three conditions which Mr Mili states thus: The people for whom the government is intended must be willing to accept it, or at least not so unwilling as to oppose an insurmountable obstacle to its establishment; they must be willing and able to do what is necessary to keep it standing; and they must be willing and able to do what it requires of them to enable it to fulfil its pur poses. . . . The failure of any of these conditions renders a form of government, whatever favourable promise it may otherwise hold out, unsuitable to the particular case' (p. 5). But there are still more important conditions, not here enumerated by Mr Mill, but one of which at least is fully recognised in the sequel of his work, which, if not complied with, render forms of government unsuitable not only to one case, or stage of social development, but to all cases and all stages of development. These conditions may be broadly stated as falling under a single category-viz., that forms of government must conform to the constitution of human nature, and recognise those arrangements of Providence which are beyond the reach of human control. This condition seems so obvious, that one would suppose it could scarcely be overlooked in fixing on a particular form of government, and yet there is none which has been overlooked more frequently. The most prominent example-to which Mr Mill and all speculative politicians of note have begun to attach much importance of late years-is that in which a form of government is constructed on the assumption that all men are equal,' the fact of nature being the very opposite. Such a form of government, being founded on a false assumption, can be made to work only by the direct results of its action being counteracted by indirect means, as has been the case in all the so-called pure democracies that have had any permanent existence. The state in these cases is governed not in accordance with, but in spite of the form of government. The famous discussion as to what is absolutely and in itself the best form of government, which has occupied so large a portion of human time and ingenuity, is one which we must here dismiss with the observation, that it rests on another question which has been not less keenly and perhaps scarcely less futilely discussed. The second question is, What is the end of government? for it is clear that could the end-in-itself (the telos-teleion) be discovered, we might limit the discussion as to the best form of government to an inquiry into the means which led most directly to the attainment of this end. Now there are, and have always been, two classes of speculators, who assign what appear to be different, and what by many are believed to be irreconcilable ends or objects to government, and indeed to human effort, separate as well as aggregate. By the one, the end of government is said to be the greatest happiness of the greatest number,' or the greatest amount of human happiness absolutely considered; by the other class, it is said to be the realisation of the idea of humanity-that is to say, of the divine conception of human nature, through the The question as to how far forms of government instrumentality of society. The manner in which are a matter of choice on the part of a free people, the first or Utilitarian creed has recently been or are dictated to them by influences which are expounded by its most important adherents, has beyond their volition, has been discussed in a very had the effect of shewing that the two ends are interesting manner by Mr. Mill in his important in reality coincident. If happiness be so defined work on Representative Government. The conclusion as to render it identical with moral, intellectual, at which he arrives is, that 'men did not wake and physical perfection, the advocate of the ideal on a summer morning and find them sprung up; end acknowledges that its attainment would involve, neither do they resemble trees, which, once planted, of necessity, the realisation of his own aspirations. GOWER-GOWRIE CONSPIRACY. A difference of opinion as to the objects of government scarcely more real, though attended with far more fatal consequences than that which has divided speculative politicians, has ranged those who have dealt with government as a practical art in two opposite schools. By the one school, its object is said to be order; by the other, liberty; and each of these objects has been supposed to be attainable only to an extent proportioned to that to which the other was sacrificed. A truer insight into the laws of society has led a more enlightened school than either entirely to reverse this latter opinion; and— | whilst holding the two objects referred to, to be in truth the proximate objects of all government-to perceive that they are not only reconcilable, but that each is attainable only in and through the other, and that the perfection with which either is realised in any particular instance will be, not in inverse but in direct proportion to that to which the other is so. Order, so far from being the opposite of liberty, is thus the principle by which conflicting claims to liberty are reconciled. The principle which is really opposed to liberty is licence, in virtue of which the sphere of the liberty of one individual is endeavoured to be carried into that of another. To the extent to which this takes place, the liberty of both is sacrificed, for the territory in dispute is free to neither of the claimants; whereas order, by preserving the boundary between them, assigns to each the portion which is his due, and prevents the waste of liberty which is necessarily involved in the gratification of licence, and the consequent existence of anarchy. The reasons which have led men to believe that the union between the principles of order and liberty, which it is thus their mutual interest to effect, can, in large states, be effected by means of representative institutions better than by any other political expedient that has yet been devised, will be explained under REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT. See also CONSTITUTION, MONARCHY, DEMOCRACY, LIBERTY EQUALITY and FRATERNITY. GOWER, JOHN, the date of whose birth is unknown (probably about 1320), is supposed, by his latest biographer, to have belonged to the county of Kent. His history is enveloped in almost total obscurity, but he seems to have been one of the most accomplished gentlemen of his time, and to have been in possession of considerable landed property. He was a personal friend of Chaucer's, who addresses him as a moral Gower' in dedicating to him his Troilus and Cressida-an epithet which has indissolubly linked itself to his name. He did not long survive his great contemporary, having died in the autumn of 1408. G. was a voluminous writer, and produced the Speculum Meditantis (a poetical discourse on the duties of married life). It consisted of ten books, written in French verse, but is supposed to have perished; the Vox Clamantis, in Latin (of which there are manuscript copies in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries); and the Confessio Amantis, by which he is best known, in English. This latter work, extending to the portentous length of 30,000 verses, was first printed by Berthelet in 1573. An excellent edition of the works of G. was published in 1857, under the editorial care of Dr Reinhold Pauli, with a memoir and critical dissertation. G. is almost uniformly heavy and prosaic. Writing much in French, his English poem is full of NormanFrench words, and in his native tongue he never attained Chaucer's ease and mastery. Apart from literary merit or demerit, his poem is interesting to the scholar and the antiquary, because therein the elements which form our modern English are found side by side, or but indifferently fused together. GOWRIE, CARSE OF. See PERTHSHIRE and CARSE. GOWRIE CONSPIRACY, one of the most singular events in the history of Scotland, took place in August 1600. On the 5th of that month, as King James VI., then residing at Falkland Palace, in Fife, was going out to hunt, Alexander Ruthven, brother of the Earl of Gowrie, whose father had been executed for treason in 1584, came to his majesty, and informed him that, on the previous evening, he had seized a person of a suspicious appearance, and evidently disguised, with a pot full of foreign gold hid under his cloak, and had confined him in his brother's house at Perth. Conceiving him to be an agent of the pope or the king of Spain, the king agreed to examine the man himself, and, without waiting to change his horse, set out for Perth, attended only by the Duke of Lennox, the Earl of Mar, and about 20 others. Soon after his arrival, while his retinue were at dinner, Ruthven conducted the king up a winding staircase and through several apartments, the doors of which he locked behind him, and brought him at last to a small study, where stood a man in armour, with a sword and dagger by his side. Snatching the dagger from the man's girdle, Ruthven held it to the king's breast, and said: Who murdered my father? Is not thy conscience burdened by his innocent blood Thou art now my prisoner, and must be content to follow our will, and to be used as we list. Seek not to escape; utter but a cry, make but a motion to open the window, and this dagger is in thy heart.' The king expostulated with Ruthven, who so far relented that he went to consult his brother, leaving the king in charge of the man in armour. In the meantime, one of Gowrie's servants hastily entered the apartment where the king's retinue were, and announced that the king had just ridden off towards Falkland. All hurried into the street, and the earl, with the utmost eagerness, called for their horses. On Alexander Ruthven's return to the king, he declared that there was now no remedy, but that he must die, and proceeded to bind his hands with a garter. The king grappled with him, and a fierce struggle ensued. Dragging Ruthven towards a window looking into the street, which the man in armour had opened, the king cried aloud for help. His attendants knew his voice, and hastened to his assistance. Lennox and Mar, with the greater number of the royal train, ran up the principal staircase, but found all the doors shut. Sir John Ramsay, of the Dalhousie family, one of the royal pages, ascending by a back stair, entered the study, the door of which was open, and seizing Ruthven, stabbed him twice with his dagger, and thrust him down the stair, where he was killed by Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir Hugh Herries. On the death of his brother, Gowrie rushed into the room, with a drawn sword in each hand, followed by seven retainers, well armed, and was instantly attacked. Pierced through the heart by Sir John Ramsay, he fell dead without uttering a word. The inhabitants of Perth, by whom Gowrie, who was their provost, was much beloved, hearing of his fate, ran to arms, and, surrounding the house, threatened revenge. The king addressed them from a window, and admitted the magistrates, to whom he fully related all the circumstances, on which they dispersed, and he returned to Falkland. Three of the earl's servants were executed at Perth. The man in armour, Andrew Henderson, the earl's steward, was par doned. All who were examined were totally ignorant of the motives which had prompted the brothers Ruthven to such a deed, and they still remain in some degree of mystery, although recent GOYA Y LUCIENTES-GRAAL. discoveries have led to a pretty general belief that the object of the conspirators was to possess themselves of the king's person, to convey him by water to Fast Castle, and either to give him up to England, or to administer the government in his name in the interest of that country and of the Presbyterian leaders at home. Most of the documents relating to the plot are printed. GOYA Y LUCIENTES, FRANCISCO, the most distinguished painter of the new Spanish school, was born at Fuente de Todos, in Aragon, 31st March 1746, and received his first education in art in the academy at San Luis, Saragossa. On his return from a visit to Rome, the talent and speed with which he executed some paintings for the royal tapestry manufactory gained the approbation of the celebrated Mengs, who superintended that work. His scenes from the common life of the Spanish people excited special admiration; but all the productions of his easel during this early period, to which belong the altar-piece and the crucifix at the entrance to the choir of the church of San Francisco al Grande in Madrid, are marked by simplicity of composition, charming truthfulness, and a natural and effective chiar-oscuro. In 1780, he was elected member of the academy of San Fernando. From this time, the influence of Velasquez and Rembrandt is observable in his paintings. Among the most celebrated of these is his portrait of Charles IV., for which he was made court-painter. In general, his portraits were executed with great felicity and ease. In 1824, he went to Paris for his health, and continued to reside in France till his death, which took place at Bordeaux, 16th April 1828. Besides his works in oil-colour, G. is celebrated for his essays in frescopainting, etching, lithography, and in almost every department of his art. GOYA'NNA, a city of Brazil, in the province of Pernambuco, is situated on a river of the same name, 35 miles north-west of Olinda. It has numerous factories and an active trade. Pop. 6000. GOYA'Z, a city of Brazil, is situated on the river Vermelho, in lat. 16° 21' S., long. 50° 35' W., nearly in the middle of the empire, being the capital of the central province, which bears its name. The city contains about 7000 inhabitants; and the province, with an area of 313,000 square miles, has, according to the government returns in 1856, a population of only 180,000, mostly aborigines. The chief productions are cotton, timber, and cattle. GOʻZZO (called by the Romans Gaulos), an island in the Mediterranean, belonging to Britain, is about ten miles in length, and about five miles in breadth; has an area of 36 square miles, and a population of 16,000. Its surface is agreeably diversified, and it has many fertile valleys. It appears to have been formerly connected with Malta, from which it is now separated by a channel four miles in width. On this account, and from its natural productions, it is a spot of the highest interest to the naturalist, while the cyclopean walls of the 'Giant's Tower' and Roman monuments of a later period excite the attention of the antiquary. The island abounds in game, and is much frequented by sportsmen. It produces large quantities of grain and cotton, and is celebrated for cattle and for a breed of large asses. From the circumstance of its having two harbours, it is likewise of importance in a commercial and nautical point of view. The chief town is Rabato, situated near the centre of the island. The British governor resides in the Castel del Gozzo. GOZZOLI, BENOZZI, a famous fresco-painter, was born at Florence about the beginning of the 15th c., and studied under Fra Angelico, whose excellence as a painter of sacred subjects he fully equalled, if not surpassed. A glow of rejoicing life seems infused into all G.'s productions. His chien works bearing traces of his master's influence are frescoes in the churches of Orvieto and Rome; his own style being visible in the paintings he executed by command of Pietro de' Medici, in a chapel of the Medici, now Ricardi Palace, at Florence. The great work, however, on which G.'s fame rests, is the immense frescoes executed on the north wall of the famous cemetery, or Campo Santo of Pisa. This wonderful series of paintings, not inaptly termed by Vasari una terribilissima opera (a terrific work'), was undertaken by the artist at the age of sixty, and accomplished in sixteen years. which are all scriptural, are 24 in number, and are still in excellent preservation. G. died in 1485. The scenes, GRAAF, REGNIER DE, a celebrated Dutch physician, was born at Schoonhove in 1641, and died at Delft in 1673. He studied at the university of Leyden under Dubois (De le Boé), who is better known under his Latinised name of Sylvius; and on the death of the latter, in 1672, would have been unanimously elected to the vacant chair, if his religion (he was a Catholic) had not proved an insuperable obstacle to his appointment. In 1664, when only twenty-three years of age, he published his Disputatio Medica de Natura et Usu Succi Pancreatici, which, although containing several errors-as, for instance, that the pancreatic juice is acid, and that many diseases, and especially intermittent fevers, are due to a morbid condition of this fluid gained him a great reputation. After a short residence in France, where he took his doctor's degree at Angers in 1665, he returned to Holland, and settled at Delft, where his success in practice gained him much envy. He rendered great service to anatomy in being the inventor of those injections of the blood-vessels which Swammerdam and Ruysch brought to a state of comparative excellence, and which are at the present day the basis of our sound knowledge of most of the tissues of the body. He published several dissertations on the organs of generation in both sexes, which involved him in a prolonged and angry controversy with Swammerdam. According to Haller, his death was occasioned by an attack of jaundice, brought on by the excitement of this controversy, but we do not know Haller's authority for this assertion. All his works were collected in one octavo volume, and published under the title of Opera Omnia in 1677, and they were republished in 1678 and in 1705. GRAAFF-REINET, the chief town of the division of its own name, is one of the most important and prosperous towns in Cape Colony. Previously to 1857, it numbered 4000 inhabitants. During the ten years immediately preceding, it had risen from an inland village to be a great centre of commerce, having its public library, its agricultural society, its banks, and its newspaper. It owes its advancement partly to its position on the high-road between Port Elizabeth and the northern boundary. It is situated on the Sunday, which enters Algoa Bay, near Port Elizabeth. GRAAFIAN VESICLES. See OVARY. GRAAL, GRAL, or GRÉAL (a word derived probably from the old French, perhaps Celtic, gréal, Provençal, grazal, medieval Latin, gradalis), signifies a kind of dish. In the legends and poetry of the middle ages, we find accounts of the Holy GraalSan Gréal- -a miraculous chalice, made of a single precious stone, sometimes said to be an emerald, which possessed the power of preserving chastity, prolonging life, and other wonderful properties. GRABS-GRACCHUS. This chalice was believed to have been first brought conciliatory spirit were of great service to the state from heaven by angels, and was the one from which He married Cornelia, the youngest daughter of P. Christ drank at the Last Supper. It was preserved Scipio Africanus, by whom he had twelve children. by Joseph of Arimathea, and in it were caught Nine of these died in youth; a daughter, Cornelia, the last drops of the blood of Christ as he was married Scipio Africanus the younger. The history taken from the cross. This holy chalice, thus of his two sons follows: trebly sanctified, was guarded by angels, and then by the Templises, a society of knights, chosen for their chastity and devotion, who watched over it in a temple-like castle on the inaccessible mountain Montsalvage. The legend, as it grew, appears to have combined Arabian, Jewish, and Christian elements, and it became the favourite subject of the poets and romancers of the middle ages. The eight centuries of warfare between the Christians and Moors in Spain, and the foundation of the order of Knight Templars, aided in its development. The stories and poems of Arthur and the Round Table were connected with this legend. About 1170, Chrétien of Troyes, and after him other troubadours, sang of the search for the holy graal by the Knights of the Round Table, in which they met with many extraordinary adventures. Some have supposed that the story of the connection of the miraculous chalice with the Last Supper and the blood of Christ arose from a wrong division of the words san gréal, holy vessel, which were written sang réal, royal blood, blood of the Lord; but although the coincidence is curious, there is no good reason to suppose that a pun could have been the foundation of a superstition which spread over Europe. The legend of the graal was introduced into German poetry in the 13th c. by Wolfram von Eschenbach, who took Guiot's tales of Parcival and Titurel as the foundation of his poem, but filled it with deep allegorical meanings. It is more elaborately treated by the author of Titurel the Younger; and much curious information may be found in a work, On the Description of the Temple of the Holy Graal, by Boisserée (Ueber die Beschreibung des Tempels des Heiligen Graal,' Munich, 1834). GRABS, vessels of from 150 to 300 tons, employed on the Malabar coast. They are broad armed ships, with two or three masts, and unsuited for very heavy weather. 1. TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS was born about 168 B. C., and was educated with great care by his excellent mother (his father having died while he was yet very young). He first saw military service under his brother-in-law, Scipio Africanus the younger, whom he accompanied to Africa. He was present at the capture of Carthage, and is said to have been the first of the Romans to scale the walls. In 137 B. C., he acted as quæstor to the army of the consul Mancinus in Spain, where the remembrance of his father's good faith and clemency was so fresh after forty years' interval, that the Numantines would treat with no other Roman but the son of their former benefactor. He was thus enabled to save from utter destruction an army of 20,000 Romans, who had been defeated, and were at the mercy of the Numantines. But the peace was considered by the aristocratic party at Rome as disgraceful to the national honour, and was repudiated, Mancinus being stripped naked, and sent back to the Numantines, that the treaty might thus be rendered void. Disgust and disappointment at this result are said by some, though without good reason, to have determined G. to espouse the cause of the people against the nobles; but a much more feasible ground for his conduct is to be found in the oppressed state of the commons at the time. Being elected tribune, he endeavoured to reimpose the Agrarian Law of Licinius Stolo, and after violent opposition on the part of the aristocratic party, who had bribed his colleague M. Octavius Cæcina, he succeeded in passing a bill to that effect. (For a detailed account of the measure, see AGRARIAN LAW.) Tiberius G., his brother Caius, and his fatherenforce its provisions. Meantime, Attalus, king of in-law Ap. Claudius, were appointed triumvirs to Pergamus, died, and bequeathed all his wealth to the Roman people. G. therefore proposed that this should be divided among the poor, to enable them to procure agricultural implements, and to stock their newly acquired farms. It is said that he also intended to extend the franchise, and to receive Italian allies as Roman citizens. He also diminished the time which citizens were required to serve in the army. But fortune turned against the good tribune. He was accused of having violated the sacred character of the tribuneship by the deposition of Cæcina, and the fickle people in large numbers deserted their champion and benefactor. At the next election for the tribuneship, his enemies used all their efforts to oust him; and a violent scuffle having arisen between the opposing factions, G. was slain, along with upwards of 300 others. His surviving friends were imprisoned, exiled, or put to death. GRA'CCHUS is the name of a Roman family, of the gens Sempronia, which contributed several famous citizens to the state. First we have Tiberius Sempronius, who was consul in 238 B. C., and conducted some warlike operations in Corsica and Sardinia. Another Tib. Sempronius distinguished himself in the second Punic war, and for his success in opposing Hannibal, was honoured with the consulship in 215 B. C., and again in 213 B. C. In those days of despondency, he did much to revive the spirit of the senate and people; with the allies, and 8000 volones, or volunteer slaves (who afterwards gained their liberty as a reward for their bravery), he withstood the Carthaginians in South Italy, defeated Hanno, and checkmated Hannibal himself; but after many victories, he at length lost his life, either in battle with Mago, or, according to 2. CAIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS, who was nine others, by treachery. Hannibal honoured him with years younger than his brother, was possessed of a splendid funeral. Passing by some Gracchi of much greater natural powers, and of more com minor note, as the augur of 203 B. C., the tribune prehensive views. His brother's death, which of 189 B. C., and others, we come to Tiberius Sem- occurred while he was serving in Spain under Scipio pronius, the father of those two reformers and Africanus, deterred him for some years from enterfriends of the people whose fame has overshadowed ing into public life; and the nobles seeing his great all the others. He was born about 210 B. C., and abilities, and fearing his influence with the people, for many years occupied a foremost position in the endeavoured to keep him as long as possible on state. He was successively tribune, ædile, prætor, foreign service in Sardinia and elsewhere. But at consul (twice), and censor, and distinguished himself length he unexpectedly returned to Rome, being in several wars. He introduced some important | urged by his brother's shade, as was said, to enter constitutional changes, and was often employed on his great mission. Goaded by the persecution on foreign embassies, in which his judgment and and groundless accusations of his enemies, he stood |