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rubim : for the true meaning of which word, we refer to the Article upon Dr. Taylor's Concordance, in July Review.]

Our Enquirer next gives a derivation of Teraphim, which derivation he calls his own; and which he introduces with some degree of vanity, or, to use his own words, with

as much real deference (before the public) as they who

sound the trumpet before them, and their own great humimility and candour*.'

But as this Writer is no stranger to Gussetius, he should have known, that Teraphim is derived by him from the same word 777 with an (e);' or from , turpitude. But others derive it from 777, in the Syriac to consult or enquire. Others from tarafa, in Arabic, to afford plenty of the necessaries and conveniences of life. In this sense the Teraphim will be the same with the Penates. The fame word in Arabic fignifies also, to deceive. See Golius, Col. 378, and the most learned Pocock upon Hosea iii. 4.

The rest of this book relates to the Confusion of Tongues, and the First Language : concerning which we have said enough in some late Reviews.

This mild Hutchinsonian is very angry with his humble fervants the Reviewers, whom he calls Infidels and Scorpions; but as he treats the worthy Archdeacon of Northumberland as * a mere Jesuit, page 76, we could not expect better words from him.

To such as read his book, it may not be improper to offer this advice, viz. that they pay not too much regard to his representations of things; but that they rather have recourse to che holy Scriptures.; and, for assistance herein, to the writings of the above-mentioned Archdeacon, for our Hutchinfonian Enquirer hath as little candour as good manners.


* Te shew what a Genius this Author is at derivations, take the following instance, page 256. I would make y, the root or « verb to the noun 1903. It signifies to temper, mix, knead, as

dough or mortar are mixed up and tempered. i Sam: xxviii.

24 The woman took flour and who kneaded it. This is the ' 'use of the tongue in eating, it turns about, backwards and for

wards, up and down, what we chew. And it has the like use • in forming articulate sounds; without it the mouth could make . no distinction of sounds; nor can the tongue without the ear.' O rare Mountfeir ! Vide Review, vol. XII. p. 479.




POLITICAL. I. N Appeal to Reason and Common Sense: or a free

and candid Disquisition of the Conduct of A B

- ; so far as relates to the Matter of Fact, and as set forth in his Appeal to the People, and in a Letter to a Member of Parliament: And into the Conduct of the Ministry, so far as is relative to the Case of A B : With some occafional Remarks upon a Pamphlet, called Impartial Reflections on the Case of Mr. Byng. By a Friend to Truth, and a Lover of his Country. 8vo. IS. Crowder and Woodgate.

So mich has already been faid, and cited, in this and the preceding Review, in regard to the cale of this poor Admiral, and the controversy it has occafioned, that we Mall contracı, as much as poflible, what remains to be laid on that almost worn-out subject. Thus, of the piece before us, all ihat needs be specified, is, that under pretence of doing honour to the plan laid down by the author of the Impartial Reflections, and of complimenting him for his ingenuity, accuracy, &c. the main fcope of it is, ta explain away whatever that author has accrimoniously fuggested, to the disadvantage of those in power, and whatever he has conscientioully urged as a palliative in favour of the prisoner. Tha:, tho? he refers, page 27, to his approaching trial, wherein Truth, and Truth only, will prevail, he takes upon himself to try him before-hand, nay even to direct his future trial, by faying, 'The • truths I have now urged, will, upon a fair hearing, be prova

bly discussed in their full force and efficacy :' and pronounces it evident, “That had the Admiral engaged the whole squadron,

with the fame ardour, with the faine Biitti.courage, and love • of glory, that the Rear-Admiral engaged his part of ii, Mi.

norca had 'till been our own, the French neet entirely de

feared, a Mashal of France, with his whole army, priioners . in England, and the Prench King, probably, not able, by this • time, to send even a filhing-boat to fca. To all which let the Council of War, held on board the Ramailles, May 24, reply.

II. An Address to the Public, in Answer to two Pamphlets, (entitled, An Appeal to the People of England, and a Letter

a Member of Parliament, relative to the Case of AB-g.) In which is fully proved, that the several Parts of the A- -l's Letter, omitted in the Gazette, were rather of Use than Prejudice to him. With several other interesting


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Particulars, never yet exhibited to the Public. By an Ante Italianite. 8vo. 6d. A Type.

This is another of those officious, fanguinary efforts, which, have, in some fort, authorized Mr. Byng, and his Advocates, to fuggeft, That he has not been thus peculiarly fingled out, merely for the sake of public justice. The Gentleman has submitted to a trial; the Nation is to be gratified with one, and are willing to wait the event. The subject matter of this very mean performance then, which is to confute every plea that could be drawn from the suppressed pallages of Mr. Byng's dispatch in his favour, would have been produced more properly by way of evidence, than thus, to embitter the minds of men against him before-hand. And if the Author's end was not so much to black. en him, as to pay his court to the noble head of a certain board, he, surely, ought not to have disgraced his compliment by the illiberal stroke of malice which glares so strongly in his title-page. III. Considerations on the Addreses lately presented to his Majesty, on occasion of the Loss of Minorca. In a Letter to a Member of Parliament. 8vo. 15. Cooper.

Of all the oppofition-pieces lately published, this may be truly said to deserve the preference; tho", perhaps, it has not attracted the greatest notice: as it is founded on enadulterated Whigish principles, as it avows as strong an attachment to the Protestant Succession, and as high a regard for the honour and repose of his Majesty, as for the welfare of the subject, and the maintenance of the Conftitution. It is, besides, the result of more knowlege, and better abilities, than are usually employed in this species of writing. The Author's premises are fairly itated, and his reafonings upon them, are such as become a man of character. His file is liberal and manly; seldom on the ground, and never in the clouds. His manner is equally free from petulance, and malignity; and if the Miniters he arraigns, and their friends and followers, owe him no thanks for his endeavours to expose their conduct ; so neither have they any cause to complain of him, on account of that rage of abuse, for which others have been fo jaftly condeinn. ed and chastised.

His plan, at first fight, seems to comprehend no more than a bare defence of the Addresses; with relpect to which, he specifies the whole ftring of objections to be gleaned up, either in print or conversation : but, as he proceeds, it becomes more and more obvious, that these serve him only as a vehicle for a general Comment on the present State of Things; and of the conduct which, he presumes, has rendered our situation fuch as it is. The amount of these objections he gives in the following fummary, viz. That the said Addresses were unconflitutional, indecent, and zennecessary; but he makes it his business to prove, that none of these charges will lie against them. To thew they were not unconftitutional, waving all precedents, he poftulares, that we aie governed for the sake of ourselves, not for the sake of those


who govern us ; ., that the present government rests on this bafis. That the people are in poffeffion of all the rights, they have not by express compact parted with, and, consequently, are entitled to the usual trust; that they have not alienated, or transferred, their sense of feeling, nor the important right of expressing what they feel ; that tho' the Parliament alone can act for them, they have not an exclusive right to speak for them ; that the Parliament does not always speak as the people would prompt them ; that in the case of the Jew bill, the sense of the Legislature was influenced and changed by the sense of the Nation; that tho' these Addresses are not universal, they are, nevertheless, general enough, and rendered considerable enough by the leading voice of the city of London, (supported, too, by the private opinion of all ranks of men, in all parts of the kingdom) to be reputed and received as the voice of the nation, &c. &c.' Concluding, That if the said Addresses speak the sense of the nation, upon a national point, and at a time, when this was the only way in which the nation could apply to the throne, they fand juitified with respect to the constitution.

Coming then to the charge of indecency, in approaching the throne with complaints, which must have affected his Majelly more than any

of his subjects, in calling for vengeance on thoic who have neglected their duty, and in luggesting, by the mention of a Militia, chat the nation is not satisfied with the manner in which it is defended at home,--he argues, That if his Majelty faw things in a more melancholy light than they could, the declaring such a conformity to the royal sentiments, as was within cheir ca. pacities and fituations to entertain, could in no sense be deemed disrespectful, and indecent. That the reviving the calamity in his Majesty's mind, was no more than was done by every Address of condolence : and the import of them as a call for vengeance, is disavowed. Then as to the mention of a Militia, he will not allow it to be either indecent, or impertinent ; but, on the contrary, he maintains, That weakened as we were by the lofs of Minorca, and defenceless as we appeared by calling in foreign fuccours, it was but natural for the nation to demand an exertion of its natural strengeh; and it was a proof of affection to his Majesty's person and government, to suggest to him, a more honourable and effectual, and, at the same time, a less bur. thenfome, method of securing his throne and kingdom. He then maintains, That even in point of language, thele Addrelles were not only unexceptionable, but absolutely nieritorious ; containing such professions of duty, and loyalty, as no disaffected perfon could lign, and neither injurinus, opprobrious, or perfonal, even to the Ministers themselves. Great resentment,' says he, is cxpreffed, that this defign against Minorca) should be

unprevented, tho' it was not unexpected : and is it indecentra lay our fears and wonder before the throne,--the refuge of distreffed intimidated subjects ? not intimidated by the enemy,

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• but by the power of those, who might have prevented this evil, • who left the island defenceless, and the Mediterranean without

a Bricith fleet.'

He then proceeds to Thew, That neither were they inflammatory; for nothing was exaggerated ; and many points, full as inflammatory as the loss of Minorca, were passed over in filence, to avoid even the appearance of exaggeration. Having thus dispatched his second argument, he brings forward his third, viz.

That they were necessary; for these reasons; To profess to the King, the discontent of the nation, and to obviate misrepresentations, that it was, on the contrary, perfectly satisfied, or, if dissatisfied, diffatisfied with Mr. Byng only ; (which was far from being the cafe, B. not being the role or the principal cause of our public disgrace) --to suspend the progress of public rage, directed by the fa&tion in power, against the accused Admiral, (a ftratagem which succeeded so well, that he narrowly escaped an execution without a trial) and thereby preserve the public peace; to revive a spirit of liberty in the nation, and prevent an advantage which might have been taken to interpret a passive filence into positive app obation; which no way could have been effected with more decency, and propriety, than by addrefling the throne, with humble complaints; and to make use of a season so favourable, for re-kindling the love of our country: whereas in waiting for a parliamentary process, that favourable season would probably have been loft, and time allowed to those concerned, to efface the useful imprcilions made by the public calamities.

He then digresses to anumerate the means commonly employed for that purpose, such as extenuations, and diminutions of all forts, disguifing, if not denying the truth; which laft, tho' a common artifice, he maintains would, in this case, have been im. poslible; seeing it could not be denied, 'That Fort St. Philip

was not fufficiently manned; that if it had, the fiege mult

have been railed ; that there was no British fleet in the Me: 'diterranean when the enemy landed in Minorca ; and that if

there had, under a proper command, the enemy could not have • been landed, and might have been deftroyed.'

After which, to wind up his bottom, on the end of necesity, he super-adds, the complaint in the London Addiess; the mima. nagement and delays in the defence of America ; the general wellgrounded defire of a Militia ; and the variety of cogent reasons on which that desire was founded. Having then ftated it as a comfortable confideration, That the disappointments we have hitherto met with, in the course of a jutt and necessary war, are not owing to a defect of naval power, but of misconduct in the maragers of it, (to whose negligence he moreover imputes its origin) he proposes it as the firl, most obvious, and most popular measure, to accomplish the difgrace of all those, who had lo per: fectly facisfied the nation, they were equally unfit to preserve peace, or conduct war: and he declares, ii this mcasure hould not


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