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Author being fo much of a Scholar, as to understand Latin ! which is more than the generality of our modern Authors, in this branch of Literature, especially, can boast.

XVI. The Life and furprizing Adventures of Crufoe Richard Davis. 12mo. 2 vols. 6s. Noble.

From fome difagreeable peculiarities in the language, and a parity of nonfenfe, and ridiculous extravagance, we are led to conclude, that this is the manufacture of that notable genius, Mr. Adolphus Bannac, to whom the Public is indebted for. The Filts, and, The Apparition. See our laft, p. 355-356. To fay no more, is faying enough, on the prefent occafion.

XVII. Northern Memoirs; or, The Hiftory of a 'Scotch Family. Written by a Lady. 12mo. 2 vols. 6 s. Noble.


This Lady feems to be one of the beft hands employed in Meff. Noble's manufactory. There is, indeed, nothing excellent in her work; but there is lefs abfurdity, and rather better language, in it, than in any of her fellow-labourers productions that have come to market this feafon. If it affords no indications of genius, it fhews no want of invention; and if the incidents are not very affecting, they are more natural and more probable, than thofe with which most of our late adventure-books have been ftuffed.

Should our fair Novelift chance to think this verdict not quite fo juft to her merits, as a natural prejudice in her own behalf may have led her to expect, we beg leave to obferve, that the has no great reafon to complain; and that the might have appeared to fomewhat lefs advantage, had the not been favourably fet off by the luckiest foils that fortune could poffibly have flung in Ker way-As an Old-Bailey delinquent, (pardon, good Madam, fo homely an illustration) indicted for fome flight offence, may, comparatively, appear almost a refpectable perfonage, in the eyes of a jury, who have previoufly fat on the trials of a gang of the most attrocious malefactors.

XVIII. Les Vrais Principes de la Langue Angloife: Où fe trouve developé tout ce qui eft neceffaire aux Etrangers pour apprendre facilement a parler, lire, et ecrire l'Anglois. Par Ve J. Peyton. 12mo. 3s. 6d. Nourfe.

Fronti nulla fides.

ERRATA in our last.

Page 488, line 5, for too, read to. P. 498, in the fecond Note, for characterical, r. characteristical.

*The first political article in the Monthly Catalogue for November, should have been placed the left in that clafs. This mistake in the arrangement of the materials, will account for the local impropriety in the beginning of the faid firft article; viz. So much has already been faid,' &c.

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Mr. HAMPTON's Tranflation of POLYBIUS, concluded. See Review for June 1756.

HE perfon who furnished the preceding parts of this Article having been unexpectedly called abroad, it was thought proper to defer the remainder until his return, rather than deftroy, by the interpofition of another hand, that uniformity of ftyle, and manner, which are effentially requifite, in works of this nature especially. This, we hope, will be thought a fufficient apology for the delay that has happened.

By turning to the Review for laft June, our Readers will find, that we accompanied our Hiftorian to the conclufion of the Sicilian war, between the Romans and the Carthaginians; but that we left the latter engaged in a war against their revolted mercenaries: whom, in the fpace of three years and four months, they, at laft, entirely reduced.

We come now to the fecond book of this excellent Hiftory; which contains a concife and general abstract of the chief events immediately following thofe we have already attended to: the first two books being defigned only as an introduction to the whole. In the first chapter we find, that the Romans being induced to make a defcent upon the coaft of Greece, in order to revenge the many infults offered both to their Merchants and Embaffadors, by Teuta, Queen of the Illyrians'; APP. VOL. XV.

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this haughty Princefs was foon compelled to fue for peace; and, by treaty, was confined to a small part of her former dominions*

In the fecond chapter of this book, our Hiftorian, after having given us a geographical defcription of that part of Italy which was inhabited by the Gauls, proceeds in his concife, but accurate, narrative of all the wars between that people and the Romans; by which, however, the former were, at laft, entirely fubdued. He concludes his recital with the following fenfible and inftructive reflections.

• Such was the end of the Gallic wars: which, if we regard only the daring fpirit, and undaunted bravery of the combatants, the forces that were brought into the field, the battles that were fought, and the numbers that fell in those engagements, muft certainly appear as great and formidable as any that are known in hiftory. But, on the other hand, if we reflect upon the rafhness with which those expeditions were projected, or the abfurd and fenfelefs conduct, by which

From the various tranfactions recorded in this chapter, M. Folard takes occafion to make many obfervations, which, to a military Reader, will afford both entertainment and inftruction. He fhews us, that, in general, the events of war are not fo entirely beyond the reach of human forefight as is imagined; that a wife General may be more perplexed by engaging with an ignorant one, than if he had to deal with a man of equal intelligence with himfelf; that experience, grounded upon theory, will enable us, in fome degree, to judge of the future, fo as to prevent, and fruftrate, the beft concerted defigns. We fhall felect, from among the reft, his note upon that part of the treaty between the Romans and the Queen of Illyria, by which he was obliged, not to fail beyond Liffus with more than two frigates, and those unarmed; and, as fuch fubjects are interefting, to this nation particularly, our Readers will, probably, thank us for a tranflation of the whole.

The first Punic war, fays M. Folard, had taught the Romans the vaft confequence of a ftrong marine force, and how neceffary it is for a nation to keep up that force, if the means to become formidable to her neighbours. They had experienced how much the Carthaginian Republic, by their powerful fleet, had made themfelves feared at fea, and, confequently, at land; for he that ~commands on the ocean, will also be obeyed on shore. It were to be wifhed, adds our ingenious Commentator, that this maxim were written over the door of every apartment of the King of France, whofe neighbours well know the truth of it. For not attending to this maxim, the Greeks loft their liberty; and France, in the year *1701, fuffered many misfortunes. It is but now, that, by the wifdom of a worthy Minifter, we have, at last, begun to open our



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they feverally were carried into execution, nothing will be found more trifling or contemptible. For the Gauls, I do not fay moft frequently, but even in every thing they attempt, are hurried headlong by their paffions, and never fubmit to the rule of reafon. From hence it happened, that they were in a fhort time difpoffeffed of all the plains that are watered by the Po; fome few places only, at the foot of the Alps, excepted. I thought it neceflary, therefore, to give fome account of the conduct, and the fortunes of this people, from their first settlement in the country, to the time of their final exclufion from it. ↑ Such incidents very properly belong to history; and well deferve to be transmitted to all future times. For, from this posterity may learn, what little cause there is to dread the rafh and sudden expeditions of any of these barbarous tribes: and in how fhort a time their strongeft forces may be diffipated, by those who are determined bravely to resist, and to struggle, even to the latest hope, rather than be deprived of their juft and natural rights."


The remainder of this fecond book contains a flight sketch of the hiftory of Greece, previous to the period of time at which Polybius begins his grand History; and at which we are how arrived.

The world is now poffeffed of no more than one eighth part of this invaluable work: yet it may not be difpleafing to fuch of our Readers as are unacquainted with Polybius, if, from the beginning of this book, we extract that part of it

*Our French Commentator in fpeaking of the triumph of Flaminius, after a victory gained over the Infubrians, takes occafion to enlarge upon the Roman cuftom of fatyrizing the triumphing General as he paffed along in their fongs, in which they ludicro fly expofed his foibles. He concludes his Note in these words: If M. de Turenne, after his many victories, had triumphed in Paris, his foldiers, in their fongs, must have given him all the praifes of which even Cæfar was worthy, without being able to difcover a fingle blemish in his character. He would have returned home triumphant, not only poffeffed of every military virtue which adorned the Roman Hero, but also of thofe, few as they were, which in him were wanting. If Marlborough, whom the English have compared to this great Roman, had paffed through the streets of London, feated on a triumphal car, on account of his victories gained over us, with what vollies of rhiming wit would he have been faluted, in confequence of his avarice, which tarnished all his other glorious qualities: a vice but little known among people of rank in that nation.O that this were but true hot

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which contains the Author's plan of the whole. From hence anly they will be enabled to form an idea of the irretrievable lofs which fucceeding ages have fuftained, in the deftruction of fo confiderable a part of fo accurate, fo judicious, fo faithful an Hiftorian.

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The chief intention, then, of this Hiftory, is to fhew at what time, in what manner, and from what caufes, the whole known world became fubject to the Roman power. And fince this great event had a known beginning, and is allowed to have been compleated likewife in a determinate course of time, it will be ufeful to recapitulate all the chief tranfactions which paffed between its commencement and its completion. Having firft explained the caufes of the war ⚫ between the Carthaginians and the Romans, which is moft frequently called the war of Annibal, we fhall fhew in what manner this General entered Italy, and gave fo great a fhock to the empire of the Romans, that they began to fear, that they should be difpoffeffed even of their proper country and ⚫ feat of government: while their enemies, elate with a fuccefs which had exceeded all their hopes, were perfuaded that Rome itself muft fall as foon as they fhould once appear before it. We then fhall speak of the alliance that was made by Philip with the Carthaginians, as foon as he had ended his war with the Etolians, and fettled the affairs of Greece. Next will follow the difputes between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopater, and the war that enfued between them for the fovereignty of Cole-Syria: together with the war which Prufias and the Rhodians made upon the people of Byzantium, with defign to force them to defift from exacting certain duties, which they were accustomed to demand from all veffels that failed into the Pontus.' Thus inuch only remains of this Hiftory. What followed is entirely loft. Here,' continues our Author, we shall paufe a while, to take a view of the form and conftitution of the Roman government: and, in the courfe of our enquiry, fhall endeavour to demonftrate, that the peculiar temperament and spirit of their Republic, fupplied the chief and moft effectual means' by which this people were enabled not only to acquire the fovereignty of Italy and Sicily, and reduce the Gauls and Spaniards to their yoke, but to fubdue the Carthaginians alfo; and when they had compleated this great conqueft, to the project of obtaining univerfal empire. We fhall add, likewife, a fhort digreifion concerning the fate of Hiero's kingdom in Sicily: and afterwards go on to fpeak of those commotions that were raised in Egypt, after the death of



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