Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance

Couverture
Oxford University Press, 28 janv. 1999 - 325 pages
The first book to document the peasant rebellion against Soviet collectivization, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin retrieves a crucial lost chapter from the history of Stalinist Russia. The peasant revolt against collectivization, as reconstructed by author Lynne Viola, was the most violent and sustained resistance to the Soviet state after the Russian Civil War. Conservative estimates suggest that over the course of the 1020s and early 1930s, more than 1,100 people were assassinated, more than 13,000 villages rioted, and over 2.5 million people participated in this active struggle of resistance. This book is about the men and women who tried to preserve their families, communities, and beliefs from the depredations of Stalinism. Their acts were often heroic, but these heroes were homespun, ordinary people who were driven to acts of desperation by cruel and brutal state policies. This is a study of peasant community, culture, and politics through the prism of resistance. Based on newly declassified Soviet archives, including previously inaccessible OGPU (secret police) reports, Viola's work documents the manifestation in Stalin's Russia of universal strategies of peasant resistance in what amounted to a virtual civil war between state and peasantry. This book is must reading for scholars of Soviet history, Stalinism, popular resistance, and Russian peasant culture.
 

Table des matières

Introduction
3
Collectivization as Civil War
13
Rumors and the Ideology of Peasant Resistance
45
Peasant Luddism Evasion and SelfHelp
67
Peasant Terror and Civil War
100
Peasant Rebels and Kulak Insurrection
132
Babi Bunty and the Anatomy of Peasant Revolt
181
Everyday Forms of Resistance in the Collective Farm 1930 and Beyond
205
Conclusion
234
Notes
241
Glossary
289
Select Bibliography
291
Index
305
Droits d'auteur

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Expressions et termes fréquents

Fréquemment cités

Page 38 - Thus, slaves and serfs ordinarily dare not contest the terms of their subordination openly. Behind the scenes, though, they are likely to create and defend a social space in which offstage dissent to the official transcript of power relations may be voiced.
Page 18 - Our aim is to restore the link, to prove to the peasant by deeds that we are beginning with what is intelligible, familiar and immediately accessible to him, in spite of his poverty, and not with something remote and fantastic from the peasant's point of view. We must prove that we can help him and that in this period, when the small peasant is in a state of appalling ruin, impoverishment and starvation, the Communists are really helping him. Either we prove that, or he will send us to the devil.
Page 206 - Instead, it seemed far more important to understand what we might call everyday forms of peasant resistance - the prosaic but constant struggle between the peasantry and those who seek to extract labor, food, taxes, rents, and interest from them.
Page 67 - Kill, the state butchers will do it if we don't!" "Kill, they won't give you meat to eat in the collective farm!" the insidious rumours spread around. 'And the villagers killed. They ate until they could eat no more. Young and old had the belly-ache. At dinner-time the peasants' tables sagged under their loads of boiled and roasted meat.
Page 182 - On the contrary, it was a multivalent image that could operate, first, to widen behavioral options for women within and even outside marriage, and, second, to sanction riot and political disobedience for both men and women in a society that allowed the lower orders few formal means of protest.
Page 18 - We know that so long as there is no revolution in other countries, only agreement with the peasantry can save the socialist revolution in Russia. And that is how it must be stated, frankly, at all meetings and in the entire press. We know that this agreement between the working class and the peasantry is not solid — to put it mildly, without entering the word "mildly" in the minutes— but, speaking plainly, it is very much worse.
Page 243 - Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, 1990). 45. See the songs composed and printed for the processions (reprinted in Dmytruk, "Pro chudesa
Page 242 - Charles Tilly, Louise Tilly, and Richard Tilly, The Rebellious Century: 1830-1930 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975). For much additional evidence against the theory of relative deprivation, see Steven E. Finkel and James B. Rule, "Relative Deprivation and Related Psychological Theories of Civil Violence: A Critical Review...
Page 17 - In order to abolish classes it is necessary, first, to overthrow the landowners and capitalists. This part of our task has been accomplished, but it is only a part, and moreover, not the most difficult part. In order to abolish classes it is necessary, secondly, to abolish the difference between factory worker and peasant, to make workers of all of them. This cannot be done all at once. This task is incomparably more difficult and will of necessity take a long time.
Page 212 - There's work and work. It's like the two ends of a stick. If you're working for human beings, then do a real job of it, but if you work for dopes, then you just go through the motions.

À propos de l'auteur (1999)

Lynne Viola is Professor of History and a member of the Centre for Russian and East European Studies at the University of Toronto. Her previous books include The Best Sons of the Fatherland (OUP, 1987), A Researcher's Guide to Sources on Soviet Social History (co-editor, 1990), and Russian Peasant Women (co-editor, OUP, 1992).

Informations bibliographiques