attain their object unless they understand human nature in general, and the peculiar genius and disposition of the people whom they attempt to govern. This knowledge, Oliver Cromwell, Charles V., emperor of Germany, and President Washington, possessed in a high degree; and to this peculiar trait in their character, their great success in attaining the different objects of their pursuit was greatly owing. Those eminent rulers knew how to meet the feelings of their subjects, and to select the proper men to carry their deep designs into effect. But by the want of this species of knowledge, Charles I. lost his kingdom and his head, and George III. the colonies of America. The knowledge of men is an indispensable qualification for a good ruler; because all political wisdom is founded upon it. As no man is fit to manage a machine who is ignorant of its nature, construction and use, so no man is fit to manage a people, who is ignorant of their peculiar genius, dispositions, and habits of thinking and acting. It is a great privilege, therefore, for a people to have the power of choosing their wisest men to direct their public affairs. Again,

The right of election gives them a fair opportunity of choosing from among themselves rulers who are the best acquainted with their own laws and constitution of government. This is an extensive branch of political knowledge, and essential to a good statesman. Those who are destitute of this kind of information, however well they may be disposed, are unequal to the task of guiding the helm of government. They may happen to steer right; but it is much more likely that they will steer wrong, and involve the people in great difficulties and dangers, if not in final ruin. No ruler can take his measures wisely, who is not well versed in the laws and constitutions of his country; because he must always keep these in his eye, as a pole star, to direct him to his ultimate end, the public good. Those who administer the government, are always in danger of adopting measures, through ignorance or inattention, which directly or indirectly tend to weaken or destroy the very pillars that support it. No men are qualified for the higher offices of government, but such as clearly understand its constitution, which is designed to limit the powers of both rulers and subjects. And when a people have the right of choosing their own rulers, they may fill the highest offices of government with men who have the largest share of political knowledge and experience.

Again, where a people appoint their own rulers, they have it in their power to put those men into office, who are best acquainted with their various and clashing interests. A civil community which contains a large body of people, scattered

over a large extent of territory, always has local interests, which are various, and apparently, if not really, inconsistent. And it belongs to rulers to consult all these interests, and make them, if possible, the bonds of union and harmony, instead of causes of mutual discord and complaint. But in order to do this, rulers must have a clear and extensive knowledge of such separate and jarring interests. Those who are unacquainted with these, can never know how their laws and regulations will operate, until they have made the experiment, when it may be too late to apply a remedy for their mistakes. Whereas, men of profound political knowledge and experience know how to employ local prejudices and conflicting interests, as so many means of uniting and cementing the members of the body politic. A people, therefore, enjoy a great privilege, when they have the power of appointing such peace-makers to manage their public concerns.

Furthermore, in the free exercise of the power of election, a people may appoint men of tried integrity to places of the highest trust and responsibility. Integrity is the first virtue of a civil ruler. "He that ruleth over men must be just," said David, in his dying hour. When a people choose their rulers from among themselves, they have a fair opportunity of knowing the moral principles of their fellow citizens, and of appointing those only to the first offices of government, who have an established character for integrity. Men of principle always establish their character by that time they are qualified, in point of age, to sustain offices of high trust and importance. And it is a divine maxim, that "he that is faithful in the least, will be faithful also in much."

Now, rulers who understand the genius and disposition of their people, who are acquainted with their laws and constitutions, who have a comprehensive view of their various interests and connections, and who are men of tried integrity, are well qualified to fill every department of government. No people can desire better rulers than these; and such as these, the power of election gives them the best opportunity of appointing to office. This must be a very desirable and important privilege, because they can never expect that such rulers will be appointed for them. In absolute monarchies, the distant provinces are obliged to submit to governors appointed for them, who never lived among them; who are ignorant of their customs and manners, their laws and interests; who are destitute of the principles of virtue and integrity; and who seek their own honors and emoluments, more than the peace and prosperity of their subjects. These evils we bitterly experienced, so long as the king of England appointed

our chief magistrates. But when a people are free to choose their own rulers from among themselves, they may, if they please, elect rulers who are both qualified and disposed to seek. the public good, and make their constituents prosperous and happy. I must add,

4. That it is a great privilege for a people to have the power of choosing their own rulers, because good rulers are a very great blessing. The power of rulers to do good is very extensive. There is no other order of men, who have all the interests of the people so much in their power. They have greater or less influence over all those things, which can contribute to the outward prosperity and happiness of a civil community. They are the guardians of all that a people hold most dear and sacred; and so can do them greater service, and more essentially promote their temporal good, than any other men in any other public or private stations of life.

The customs and manners of a people have a direct tendency to make them happy or wretched; and these are very much under the controlling influence of civil rulers. Though they are not appointed for this purpose, yet their example has a transforming effect. They are the most respectable members in the community, to whom the lower classes look up for guidance in their common modes of conduct and social intercourse. The court in all civilized nations is the model, according to which the men of wealth and figure mean to form their customs and manners, respecting their dress, their amusements, their language, their equipage, and their various ways of spending their time and property. Rulers, therefore, of correct sentiments, virtuous habits, and exemplary conduct, may do much to promote the general good, without displeasing a single individual by the exercise of legal authority.

Every people hold their religion, whatever it is, as a matter of serious importance. And this also lies within the reach of civil rulers, who always have it in their power directly or indirectly to promote it. If they take it directly into their hands, they can establish what kind of it they please; or if they do not take it directly into their hands, they can in various ways have great influence upon it. Indeed it is a serious truth, that in every age, and in every branch of the christian church, not only the modes and forms, but the kinds of religion, have always taken the complexion of the civil powers for the time being. We know that this has been the case in Europe, and especially in England, where the popish and protestant religions have alternately been the religion of the nation, as either a popish or protestant prince held the reins of government. And it has lately been demonstrated, that infidel rulers will substitute

infidelity in the room of christianity. But it is equally true, that religious rulers will form the religious character of the people. This for nearly two centuries has been demonstrated in New England. Good rulers, therefore, can have a powerful and happy influence upon the great interests of religion, which renders the choice of such rulers of high consequence to the public welfare.

The good of the people requires, that useful knowledge should be generally diffused among them. Their dignity, happiness, and security, greatly depend upon their being well informed. Rulers can easily promote or obstruct the general information of their subjects. In some nations, rulers take pains to keep the people in profound ignorance; which, instead of being the mother of devotion, is the handmaid of despotism. But good rulers will seek to promote every kind of useful knowledge among all classes of citizens. They can oblige them by laws, as well as by public patronage, to cultivate not only the arts, but the sciences, which tend to enlarge their minds, refine their intellectual powers, and form them for useful and happy members of civil society.

The fortunes of a people are in the hands of their rulers. They have authority to determine what sums shall be taken from them for the service of the public; and when the taxes are levied, they have the final and absolute disposal of them. This is a power capable of great abuse. They may drain their subjects of almost all their property, under pretext of discharging public debts, or of promoting the public good. And it is very difficult for the people to discover what use is actually made of the large sums which they contribute for the professed purpose of supporting the safety and credit of the nation. In many countries, rulers riot on the fortunes of their subjects, who are but so many slaves to minister to their luxury and prodigality. But good rulers will be really as well as professedly economical of the property of the people. They will exact no more from them than their own safety, credit, and prosperity, really require. Instead of diminishing, they will aim to increase the wealth of the nation.

There is still another great benefit which a people will receive from good rulers. They will guard their lives as well as fortunes. They have the tremendous power of making war and peace. They can call thousands and thousands into the field of battle, where multitudes may fall together under the most dreadful forms of death. How many millions of the human race have been sacrificed to the ambition and avarice of tyrannical rulers! What rivers of blood have unwise and unrighteous despots spilt! Some princes train up their subjects

for war, and hire them out to be the common butchers of mankind. But good rulers will never wage unjust nor unnecessary wars, nor cruelly sport with the lives of their fellow men, which they esteem as precious as their own.

If these observations are just; if civil rulers have the customs and manners, the religion and learning, and the lives and fortunes, of their subjects in their power; then they will certainly be great and extensive blessings to their constituents, if they wisely and faithfully discharge the important trusts reposed in them. And for this reason it is a very great privilege to a people to have the right of choosing their best men to manage their best interests. It is indeed the sum of all their civil privileges. For without this, all their other privileges may be wrenched from their hands, and turned into engines to work their ruin. Through the mere want of this essential privilege, many great nations, who enjoy the most salubrious climates, the most fertile soils, and the most delicious productions of nature, live but one degree above complete poverty and wretchedness. It is a high and distinguishing privilege which God has bestowed upon us, to choose such men from among ourselves as will guide and govern us according to the integrity of their hearts and skilfulness of their hands.

This subject now suggests several reflections, which are pertinent to the present occasion of rejoicing at the return of national peace.

1. No nation which chooses its own rulers can be enslaved without its own consent. The privilege of election is the grand palladium of civil liberty. The great majority in every nation are utterly opposed to slavery; and therefore, while they possess the power of choosing their own rulers from among themselves, they may always find men of wisdom and integrity, whom they may, if they please, safely invest with power and authority to guard their lives, liberties, and fortunes. Let their form of government be what it may, they can preserve their liberty. If their government be monarchical, yet if they have the power of choosing their prime and subordinate rulers, they may be free. If their government be aristocratical, yet if they have the power of choosing their own rulers, they may be free. If their government be democratical, yet if they have the power of choosing their own rulers from among their best men, they may be free. So long as they possess the power of choosing the guardians of their liberties and rights, they have all the power necessary, and even conceivable, to promote and maintain their civil freedom. If they ever become enslaved, it must be owing to their freely choosing unjust, unwise, and arbitrary rulers.