from what has been said, pretty evident, that, if Napoleon should choose, at any future time, to destroy the Portuguese government in the Brazils, he may do it (especially in time of peace), before we can be aware of his intentions; for it is impossible for that government to keep up a military force able to resist ten thousand Frenchmen, because there are in the whole country no persons to mould into soldiers. The masters will not be soldiers; and the negro slaves cannot be trusted. Whence, then, are the troops, now there, to be recruited?, There is now no. mother country to drain, remember, as we drain England for India! From England, then, the recruits must go, or there will be no army in a very short time; and, an army will be necessary to enable the king to raise taxes for the support of the "law-officers" and others. In short, look at the event which way I will, I see it full of miseries for the prince and the people of Brazil, and full of mischiefs towards ourselves. Nor is there any ground for the sons of commerce to. chuckle. They can have no more trade with Brazil now than they had before; and, as far as they pay a share of the taxes, they will pay more dearly for it.I understand you, Sir Baalam; you mean to say, that the Island of Madeira will be an ample compensation for all those expences; and, if we had completely abandoned the continent, resolving in future to maintain the dominion of the sea, making that the sole theatre of our warlike undertakings, I should have no objec tion to the Island of Madeira, which lies in a very convenient part of the ocean, which would require but little expence, and which is abundant in excellent produce. But, you forget, Baalam, that Napoleon, who has now conquered Portugal, will make peace for Portugal as well as for France; that he is very likely to remember, that Madeira is a Portuguese colony; and, that he is also very likely to make us give it up too, yea, after we have paid, as we in all probability shall do, the amount of its supposed worth to the Portuguese government.And yet last Saturday was a proud day in the annals of "England," and Lord 'Mulgrave tells the Lord Mayor that he " has great satisfaction" in giving him information that the Portu guese fleet and government are got safe off; but, I have had the honour to hear his lordship speak, and after that it would ill become me to attempt to criticise his letters.

"PERISH COMMERCE."At the late Smithfield meeting of cattle showers, the following proceedings are said to have taken place:- The DUKE OF BEDFORD, Tose, and said, that we had heard much of a

industry, they were so fully impressed "with the importance of commerce and "manufactures, as heartily to concur in"The union of agriculture, commerce and

manufactures. LORD SOMERVILLE "then rose, and, after acknowledging the "propriety of confining the business of the "present meeting, as much as possible, "within its original objects, begged to call "the attention of the land owners present "to the great importance of supplying our "navy with hemp, the importation of "which, from the Baltic, is now unhappily "interdicted; and that, although an excel"lent substitute is known in the Bengal "sun hemp, should this fail of hereafter "fully supplying the want of our navy, he "trusted, that as hemp is proved to be an "excellent preparation for a wheat crop, "and to interfere little with the established

system of husbandry upon strong soils, except in the growth of bears, for which "it must be substituted, that the land own"ers would be found ready in forwarding "the views of government, in raising this "most essential article upon our own soils, "by relinquishing the restrictions in their "laws, against the growth of a vegetable, "which is now proved by experience not to "exhaust the soil, more than other crops, "when not left to ripen its seed."-After this, there was read, it seems, for the benefit of the company, an essay upon the buying and selling of Scotch Cattle, though I should have thought, that most of the persons present knew pretty well the nature of that traffic, of which England has now felt the blessed effects for somewhat better than a century,- -As to perish commerce," his Grace, the Duke of Bedford is, I should think, better skilled in Scotch Cattle, old and young, than he is in matters relating to commerce, as connected with politics; he may have experience for his guide in the former ; but, he has not, in all probability, had much experience in the latter. At any rate, if his grace means to controvert our doctrines; if he means to honour us by entering the lists of controversy with us, he should be apprized, that we shall hope to be met by something more and better than a toast.- -What LORD SOMERVILLE said is worthy of notice, though the meaning in the

from his Majesty's service. When the commotion had subsided, Capt. Hay demanded of the commissioners compensation as a suffering loyalist. In consequence of this request, lord Kingston wrote to the earl of Hardwicke, representing that the defendant could support no such claim, since he had co-operated with the rebels. The result was, the meeting between lord Kingston and the defendant, on the 8th of Oct.. last in Devonshire-place, where the challenge complained of was given. In reply to the charge, the learned counsel had the affidavit of the defendant himself, who stated, that in 1790, when he was only 13 years old, he went aboard in his majesty's service; and after his return, at the age of 18, received a lieutenancy, and accompanied Gen. Abercrombie to the West Indies. From that time until 1798, he never returned to his Majesty's dominions, excepting for the space of 8 days; and on the 30th April, in the same year, he went to Ireland, to take possession of his patrimonial estate in the county of Wexford. Finding that the generality of the people were nearly ripe for insurrection, be engaged himself in an employment gratifying to himself and useful to his country, in recovering the affections of his tenantry to their king; and 250 persons actually took the oath of allegiance, administered to them by a magistrate of the name of Richards at his instigation. In the month of May the rebellion broke out; and although the defendant at that time was an officer of rank in his majesty's army, he notwithstanding, engaged himself in a subordinate capacity in a volunteer corps, and exerted himself with the utmost activity against the Insurgents. When the loyalits were under the necessity of abandoning the town of Wexford to the rebels, capt. Hay was endeavouring to make his escape with some companions, by means of a vessel in the harbour, but he was intercepted by the insurgents, and brought back a prisoner. When he was secured the rebels held a spit to his throat, and girding a sword to his side, compelled him to place the shamrock in his hat. During this period, lord Kingston was also taken, and to him capt. Hay communicated the situation in which he was placed; and the defendant intimated to his lordship his intention to make his escape as soon as possible. The prosecutor then requested that he would represent his (the prosecutor's) confinement to his Majesty's army, that if possible he might be released. Capt. Hay, after much dauger did escape, and was the first person who transmitted to government the intelligence respecting the rebels. After the rebellion

had ceased, suspicious were entertained by many persons in Dublin, that Capt. Hay had been instrumental in favour of the insurgents; and, at his own request, he was brought to a court martial, The decision was that the defendant had borne arms against his majesty; but it evidently appearing, that his conduct proceeded from compulsion, the court most honourably acquitted him. After this public testimony as to the rectitude of his motives, lord Cornwallis appointed, the defendant to the command of a troop in the 25th Light Dragoons, from which he was afterwards, removed to the 18th, under the command of col. Stewart, brother to lord Castlereagh. Not withstanding this result of the claim of capt. Hay for compensation, the High Sheriff, and 21 magistrates of the country of Wexford, demanded, that the defendant should appear before their Quar ter Sessions, to answer the charge of receiving money improperly as a suffering loyalist. Upon the recommendation of his counsel, Captain Hay resisted this applica tion but consented that the matter should be examined in the Court of Exche quer in Ireland, where the judges quashed the proceedings. These prosecutions hav ing failed, Lord K. sent in a statement of the facts contained in his affidavit to-day, to his R. H. the Duke of York, in consequence of which, an enquiry was instituted, the result of which was, that the commander in chief expressed the fullest conviction that" the insinuations against the defendant were completely unfounded, and directed that this opinion should be communicated to Capt. Hay. Since that period to the present time, Lord K. had traduced the character of the defendant in every company he entered, and had declared to Col. Stewart, and other distinguished persons, upon several occasions, that a hangman was the only man fit to deal with Capt. Hay. So much the defendant had thought it right to say with respect to his previous conduct, and the charge made against him by the prosecutor of being a traitor to his country. The fact of giving a challenge, the learned counsel did not mean to deny; but the court would see that the circumstances by which it was attended, were not such as would warrant them in granting the extraordinary interference requested. The interview on the 8th of Oct. had been misrepresented by the prosecutor. What occurred was as follows: After recog nizing each other, Capt. Hay said, that he had been informed, that his lordship had traduced his character, and he and his brother officers with him, Mr. Carew and Mr. Hughes, wished to be informed if that were

the truth. Lord K. replied, that upon hearng, that Capt. Hay had been allowed his claim as a suffering loyalist, he had done every thing in his power to bring the defendant to trial for that swindling transaction. Capt. Hay answered, that he did not wish to know what his lordship had done; but he required an explanation of the language he had so frequently used, and likewise an apology for the expression he had just employed. Lord K. observed, that he should make no apology, that he had been to his R. H. the Duke of York, to state the defendant's conduct, and that the only person fit to deal with him was the hangman. Capt. Hay was much irritated, and told Lord K., that he demanded that satisfaction from him which one gentleman expected from another. His lordship enquired, if the defendant intended it as a challenge? And being answered in the affirmative, he replied, that he would not meet Capt. Hay; that he did not consider him as a gentleman, when he refused to appear before a jury of his country, to answer for the swindling transaction he had been guilty of in receiving compensation as a suffering loyalist. Capt. Hay then told Lord K. that he had done with him; that he found him in infamy and in infamy left him. In this statement Capt. Hay was confirmed by the affidavits of the Hon. Col. Stewart, Lieutenants Carew and Hughes; to the latter of whom Lord K. had declared, that he would not meet Capt. Hay, but would fight any person whom he might send; and that if the defendant should openly insult him,, his lordship thought he was as strong or a stronger man than the defendant, and would be able to throw him over a bridge, or otherwise dispose of him. Under these circumstances the defendant appealed to their lordships, not merely as judges, but as men, trusting that they would respect the feelings of an injured individual, and would not interfere in a case upon grounds like those stated on the part of the prosecution.

The ATTORNEY GENERAL replied, and contended that it was quite impossible for the court to consider the conduct of Capt. Hay otherwise than as that of a man endeavouring to force the noble lord into a duel. The question was, whether it was altogether such as called for the interference of their lordships; this, he believed would not be denied, and he therefore trusted that the rule would be made absolute.---Lord ELLENBOROUGH observed, that the language used certainly could bear no other construction, but that of provoking a challenge, at the same time that the court could not overlook those provocations that gave rise to it.

Here the learned lord recapitulated many of the remarks made upon the case by the counsel for Capt. Hay; he particularly dwelt upon the soreness that Capt. Hay must feel at being branded as a rebel, because inevita ble and irresistable necessity had happened to drive him as much in the power of the rebel forces as Lord K. himself was. His Lordship added, that in all cases of appli cations of this description, the Court had a discretion which he trusted would at all times be wisely applied. In the case of the King v. Hankey, where, like the present, there was all that could be called a direct challenge, and, like the present, all that could be also called wanton provocation, the court exercised that discretion. They refused the rule, so they would here. The complainant ought to have come into court with clean hands himself he did not; his conduct has been that of uniform and reiterated calumny against Capt. Hay, and he had no title here to the rule in question. His lordship said, that it must not be doubted for a moment, that the giving a challenge was an offence which the law would punish, but under certain circumstances, the parties might not be entitled to the speedy and especial interference of the court. Here there did not appear to be any intention on either side of breaking the peace at this time. for Lord K. his only objection was (as it appeared) to fighting a rebel. He refused to meet Capt. Hay, because he deemed him a rebel, but he was ready to embrue his hands in the blood of any others of his Majesty's loya! subjects.-Rule discharged; but, said his lordship not with costs.

As

PUBLIC PAPERS. RUSSIA.King of England's Declaration, in Answer to that of the Emperor of Russia. Dated at Westminster, Dec. 18, 1807.

The Declaration issued at St. Petersburgh, by his Maj. the Emperor of all the Russias, has excited in his Maj.'s mind the strongest sensations of astonishment and regret.-His Maj. was not unaware of the nature of those secret engagements which had been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of Tilsit. But his Maj had enter. tained the hope, that a review of the transactions of that unfortunate negociation, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian Empire, would have induced his Imperial Majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connections which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and

alarm, and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which he has so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honour of his crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.-This hope has dictated to his Maj, the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the Court of St. Petersburgh, since the peace of Tilsit.-His Maj. had much cause for suspicion, and just ground of complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His Maj. deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, the concealment of which from his Maj. could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his Maj., nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without asperity or the indication of any, hostile disposition, but with that considerate regard to the feelings and situation of the Emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted, but not destroyed. The Declaration of the Emperor of Russia proves that the object of his Maj.'s forbearance and moderation has not been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that power, which is equally and essentially the enemy both of G. Britain and of Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the Counsels of the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh; and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations, whose long established connection, and whose mutual interests prescribed the most intimate union and co-operation.-His Maj. deeply laments the extension of the calamities of war. But called upon as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, His Maj. is anxious to refute in the face of the world the pretexts by which that act is attempted to be justified.The Declaration asserts that his Maj. the Emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause in which, the interest of G. Britain was more direct than his own: and founds upon this assertion the charge against G. Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.-His Maj. willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His Maj, avows. with equal readiness the interest which G. Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the powers of the Continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that G. Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia, when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an interest

and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel than the Emperor of Russia, the ally of his Prussian Maj, the protector, of the North of Europe, and the Guarantee of the Germanic Constitution.-It is not in a public Declaration that his Maj. can dis cuss the policy of having at any particular period of the war effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against G. Britain of indifference to the interests of her ally: a war undertaken by G. Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France.-If, how ever, the peace of Tilsit is indeed to be considered as the consequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of G. Britain, his Maj. cannot but regret that the Emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal à measure, at the moment when he had received distinct assurances that his Maj, was making the most strenous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his ally (assurances which his Imperial Maj. received and acknowledged with apparent confidence and satisfaction); aud when his Maj. was, in fact, prepared to employ for the advancement of the common objects of the war, those forces which, after the peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immediate interests and security. The vexation of Russian commerce by G. Britain is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent examination, made by his Maj.'s command, of the records of the British Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel really Russian, a vessel which had carried naval stores to a port of the common enemy. There are but few instances of Russian vessels detained: and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is therefore matter of surprise, as well as of concern to his Maj., that the Emperor of Russia should have condescended to bring forward a complaint which, as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declamations, by which France perseveringly endeavours to inflame the jealousy of other countries, and to justify her own inveterate animosity against G. Britain.The peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer