into effect of its own accord in case of Peace: and its engaging to do it now infers no injury. Stipulations of the same nature, and others infinitely more weighty, are frequently found in Treaties and Conven-. tions, without being called dishonourable. By the 5th Article, the Republick engages to pay the value of prizes which shall be proved to have been made, by the commission of acts of Piracy: this Article is honourable to the Government, and is consistent with the principles which it has proclaimed relative to hostilities by Privateers. This obligation is almost a nullity, as we have reason to hope that the crime of Piracy will be found of extremely rare occurrence amongst our Privateers; and, where it does happen, the Securities given by the Owners to the Government, ought justly to be made available, according to their intent and purpose. The 6th Article has for object to determine the Tribunal, and to render more equitable the execution of the 5th. The 7th Article does not require any particular remark. The 8th, without containing any thing offensive to the National dignity, offers very considerable advantages: by it is guaranteed the free Navigation of the River, without the Republick being at the expense, which it must otherwise necessarily incur, immediately after any Peace, to secure this object, and which would be extremely burthensome for the first Years. In the event of Wars, and especially of such as are most likely to arise in the next 15 Years, the Republick would be enabled to escape from the most direct and effective hostilities which an enemy is capable of carrying on against it. By the 9th Article, the Blockade is to be raised in 24 hours after the Ratification, whilst Hostilities may be continued by Sea against the Subjects of the Empire for 80 days longer. The Republick would thus immediately cease to suffer the greatest injury the Enemy can inflict upon it, whilst the Enemy would continue to experience the effects of the War, and the Republick would not be obliged to restore the Prizes which may be taken, during the whole of the long period in question.

In the 10th Article, the term is stipulated within which the Convention is to be ratified, and the place where the Ratifications are to be exchanged; both are calculated to ensure to the Republick, as soon as possible, the effects of a Peace supposed to be necessary to it.

It results then from this analysis:

1st. That the Preliminary Convention contains no Article by which the essential Rights of the Nation are compromised.

2dly. That it presents important advantages.

3dly. That if the Republick does not obtain every object of the War, neither does the Empire preserve all the rights which it laid claim to, and exercised, before the War.

Conventions and Treaties much more onerous have been concluded between Nations most jealous of their honour, when they have been considered convenient, either to avoid endangering their National existence, to obtain great benefits, or to gain a more advantageous

position. The doctrine is received amongst all Statesmen, and supported by plain natural reason, that a Treaty is either beneficial or injurious, only as considered with reference to the circumstances in which it is concluded, and the respective situations of the Contracting Parties. To do the best which is possible, is the essential duty of a Minister, and he is responsible to that extent. The Preliminary Convention has been judged by itself; all eyes have been fixed on the points which excite the National feeling; all have accused the Minister for having signed it: but few have chosen to ask, under what circumstances the Minister was sent to negotiate; which circumstances should especially form the ground of any judgment upon the matter.

In order to render this more clear, permit me to suppose a Case. If our calamities were such, that we had arrived at a point when only one or two Provinces of the Republick sustained the weight of the war; that the rest either could not, or would not, help them, and that for some great motive, be it what it might, instead of helping them, they opposed them. If the Treasury and the National resources were found to be exhausted; credit at its lowest ebb; the National Authorities disobeyed, accused and insulted; and the Army participating in these disorders, and wasting itself, even by its own victories, without any hope of improvement: if, for these reasons, a Peace or a Truce were indispensably and urgently necessary, to save the Country from the utmost ignominy; and if, in such an extremity, a Citizen, sufficiently devoted to his Country to undertake the dangerous charge of negotiating a Peace which could not be a glorious one, should lay before them the Preliminary Convention; ought it, in justice, to be rejected, as inadmissible, disgraceful, and destructive of the essential interests of the Nation? Ought the Negotiator to be considered criminal, who, fully acquainted with the vital interests of his Country, in such times, had signed it, risking thereby only his personal reputation, without compromising the Government ? I think that his Countrymen might have availed themselves of the personal sacrifice he had made, if it suited their convenience, but without insulting him on the occasion. But suppose that, during the absence of the Plenipotentiary, there had been obtained decisive Victories, powerful Allies, and abundant resources; that the most cordial union subsisted between the Provinces of the Republick; the most exalted enthusiasm amongst its Inhabitants; an unlimited confidence in the National Authorities, and in the Chiefs of the Army; and that these had entirely changed the condition of the Republick. In such a case would the Preliminary Convention have been accepted? Perhaps not. The Government would examine well, if the Convention, which might have been advantageous at the time of the distressed state of the Nation, was not injurious in its better position. It might reject it, not as being odious, degrading, and destructive of the National honour and existence, but as disadvantageous, considering the circumstances of the Republick. His Fellow-Citizens, forgetting their past misfortunes,

and occupied only with their present prosperity, might censure thẻ Plenipotentiary and not listen to his explanations, but they would scarcely carry their injustice so far as to impute to him the greatest of crimes.

The Plenipotentiary charged with negotiating Peace with Brazil, under circumstances the most critical perhaps that ever presented themselves to the Republick, thought he should ill meet the confidence reposed in him by the Government, and fulfil the expectations of his Country, if he did not risk even his own personal reputation, in order to obtain a cessation of hostilities, by signing a Convention which might be most important to the welfare of the Nation, and which did not impose any obligation upon the Government until after its ratification. Yes-no obligation whatever-I repeat it.

A Treaty of Peace, a Preliminary Convention, signed by Plenipotentiaries, does not bind their respective Governments until they have carefully examined it, and, in due form, agreed to ratify it. The engagements which Negotiators enter into may be considered as simple promises until after the Act of Ratification. Moreover, a Preliminary Convention, although afterwards solemnly ratified, is only a Provisional Treaty. Its principal object is to put a stop to Hostilities, and to fix a basis for a Definitive Treaty. If this should not be realized, the Convention or Preliminary Treaty falls to the ground. Unfortunately, in the case of the present Preliminary Convention, all examination of the fundamental question has been carefully avoided, without which it is impossible to judge properly of transactions of this nature; for it is impossible to know whether, under the particular condition of the Republick, a Treaty would be suitable, without first thoroughly ascertaining that condition. There is only one case in which the Republick should take no counsel but of its courage, and in which no Convention, no Treaty is admissible; and that is, when the essential rights of the Nation are attacked, without which essential rights it cannot exist. As for example-if a powerful Neighbour, should attempt to subdue and subject the Republick to his Dominion. With the exception of such a case, it is the prudence of Governments only that should decide. They are bound to sacrifice every thing to the existence of the Nation. To preserve the Republick, and to avoid greater evils, by knowing, opportunely, when to make Peace or War, is the first duty of those who govern it. On their judgment depends the yielding something, at the proper moment, in order to re-establish its affairs, and to save the Republick from a state of confusion and disorder, which even victories might only serve to increase, and to afford ultimately, to an intriguing Enemy, greater probabilities of completing the ruin of the Republick, and of dividing its spoils.

I might here add some important reflections, both with respect to the true military and political position in which the Oriental Province

would have been placed, had the Preliminary Convention been acceded to, and to the manner in which this transaction has been conducted, even supposing that it has been properly rejected: but, whatever advantage might result to my case by entering upon this matter, I at present defer it from my profound respect for the judgment of the National Authorities. The time will come when impartial Judges, with a thorough knowledge of the case, may decide on my conduct, and characterize it justly.

In the mean time it is sufficient for me to have proved: First, that I am not criminal for the act of having negotiated the Preliminary Convention, under a departure from the letter of my Instructions; for similar cases have obtained eulogy instead of abuse. Secondly, that the Convention which I signed contains nothing which compromises the essential Rights of the Nation.

The Republick seems now relieved from the weighty evils that afflicted it at the time of my departure for the Court of Brazil; and among the benefits it is beginning to enjoy, the most important, without doubt, is, the being able to examine, with precision, the full depth of the abyss over which it was suspended. When the Publick shall be well acquainted therewith, it will be enabled to judge, with fairness, who most deserves its esteem and indulgence; whether it be that Citizen who, in such a crisis, sacrifices his reputation, and perhaps his existence, to his Country, or he who, at all risks, desires to make that Country subservient to his own personal fame.

MANUEL J. GARCIA.

Buenos Ayres, July 6, 1827.

MANIFESTO of the Sublime Porte, declining the Pacification with the Greeks, proposed by the Mediating Powers.9th June, 1827. (Traduit du Turc.)

Il est évident à tout homme éclairé, que par la sagesse infinie de Dieu, le maintien du monde est l'effet de la réunion du genre humain, et que cette réunion s'obtient, vû la différence des caractères, par le Gouvernement des diverses classes d'hommes, et que c'est pour cela que le Maître de l'Univers, (Gloire lui soit rendue!) a donné la terre en partage aux Padischahs et aux Souverains, en donnant à chacun une portion de cette terre, et en lui remettant la pleine autorité de gouverner les Nations et les Peuples qui se trouvent sous sa domination. Voilà de quelle manière sage il a établi l'ordre du Monde !

Le maintien et la conservation de cet état de choses dépendent du principe qu'un Padischah ou un Souverain ne doit pas s'immiscer

dans les affaires du Gouvernement et les affaires particulières de l'autre ; et le principal objet en vue dans les Traités qui se font entre les Puissances, est de préserver cet admirable ordre de toute atteinte, afin d'assurer ainsi la sûreté des Pays et des Habitans.

C'est encore évidemment pour la même raison, que chaque Gouvernement indépendant, outre ses Traités et ses rapports avec l'étranger, a aussi des réglemens particuliers à lui, des Institutions Civiles et des Lois qui regardent ses propres Sujets, et lui seul doit savoir ce que chacune de leurs affaires exige; lui seul doit le mettre en pratique.

Or il est de notoriété publique que toutes les Affaires de la Sublime Porte sont basées sur les Saintes Lois, et que tous ses réglemens et ses Institutions, sont entièrement conformes aux préceptes de sa Sainte Religion.

Maintenant, les Grecs, un des Peuples qui se trouvent dans l'Empire Ottoman, Empire qui est la propriété absolue de la Sublime Porte, pour l'avoir, depuis un très ancien tems, conquis avec son épée, ont tous été, de génération en génération, ses Sujets tributaires. Depuis l'apparition de l'Astre des Musulmans, ceux qui, de tems à autre sont devenus Rayas, et se sont constamment maintenus dans les bornes de l'obéissance et de la droiture, ont toujours joui, sous la protection des Saintes Lois, d'une pleine sûreté. Il conste même que dans leur vie, leur honneur, et leurs biens, ils ont été traités tout-a-fait sur le même pied que les Musulmans. Mais cela n'est pas tout. Les Grecs qui vivent sous le règne du Padischah actuel, jouissent à l'ombre de sa justice, de la plus parfaite sûreté, et de la plus grande tranquillité: ils jouissent de toute espèce de bienfaits, plus que leurs ayeux, et au delà même de ce qui est permis à des Rayas.

Cependant quelques hommes pervers, incapables de se contenter de tant de bienfaits et de faveurs, de tant de repos et de tranquillité, ont suscité une rebellion; et se livrent à des chimères dont la réalisation est impossible; ils ont commis des horreurs et des actes de révolte contre la Sublime Porte, leur bienfaitrice; ils sont allés jusqu'à mettre à mort nombre de femmes et d'enfans faibles et sans défense, par des moyens dont on ne trouve point d'exemples dans les fastes du monde, et ils se sont montrés rebelles à toute la Nation Musulmane, et ses Ennemis.

Les Lois Pénales, les Réglemens pour l'Administration intérieure de chaque Gouvernement, sont basés sur des Statuts; et il est parfaitement le maître de les appliquer comme il l'entend. La Sublime Porte s'attache fortement dans chaque affaire aux Ordonnances de la Loi Sainte, et c'est également à elle à savoir comment elle y doit procéder.

Se mettant donc en devoir de reduire les Rebelles, en leur faisant subir les peines qu'ils ont encourues d'après les Saintes Lois, la Sublime Porte a puni ceux parmi eux qui ont persisté dans leur révolte; et en donnant quartier à ceux qui ont pris le parti de soumettre, elle leur a rendu leur sûreté, et continue à les protéger comme auparavant.