surplus produce of other countries. The most celebrated writers have declared, even in Great Britain, that the coal trade from New Castle to London is the most beneficial that the nation is concerned in."

A catchpenny cheapness with

scores

Mr. Jackson looked at things American from the other side. of the Atlantic. Foreign conceits were as science to him. Home experience counted for nothing. What was valuable to Great Britain could be of no use to us. dependence would serve our turn well enough. But he stood alone. The existence of the Union and the Constitution; the legislation of nearly all the States after the peace; the views of our wisest public men; the very first Acts of Congress of facts and the sagacity of many minds - supported the side of Mr. Williamson. The events of the Revolution, and of the period of peace leading up to the adoption of the Constitution, were highly educative of the American mind. On the importance of the carrying trade scarcely two opinions obtained. When the question of the Constitution was before the country an able statesman of South Carolina voiced the public sentiment in the following words:

"A great part of the riches gained and revenue raised by England, through the monopoly of our trade, may be saved to these States, by our becoming our own merchants and carriers." At a later day, Daniel Webster declared that, —

"Maritime defense, commercial regulations, and national revenue were laid at the foundation of our national compact. They are its leading principles and causes of its existence. They were primary considerations, not only with the convention which framed the Constitution, but also with the people when they adopted it. They were the objects, and the only important objects, to which the States were confessedly incompetent. To effect these by the means of the National Government was the constant, the exhaustless topic of those who favored the adoption of the Constitution."

Anti-Monopoly of Sea-Carriage. It is one of the lessons of history, that the nations that have taken the lead in commerce and navigation have developed a power of controlling the fortunes of others. The following observation of Sir Walter Raleigh was grounded on this fact:

"Whosoever commands the sea commands the trade; whosoever commands the trade of the world commands the riches of the world, and consequently the world itself."

The early command of the sea began on a small scale, the extent of trade being limited; but large or small, force has often been employed, either to capture traffic or to maintain it. Trade and piracy have flourished together, necessitating navies in proportion to commerce. The history of sea-power, as it has concentred at various times, is largely a military record, aggressive, cruel, and bloody. At the present time, the command of the sea begins with the control of shipbuilding; takes root with sure ascendency in shipowning; branches out with supremacy in underwriting power, and is perfected in strength by mercantile advantage and consequent financial rule. Add to these instrumentalities such a navy as that of Great Britain, and the rule of the world in touch with salt water seems complete, in so far as men, money, and might are involved.

The Balancing of Sea-Power. The free commerce of the world has become too important to universal advancement to be abandoned to the monopoly of any single nation or group of nations. The tendency of monopoly is always to the abuse of power. No despotism could be so bad as that of the sea, since it must affect more of mankind than any other. Wars and conquest are poison to civilization; wars and conquest have been too much the business of nations ambitious of ruling the Seas. It is self-evident that universal advancement requires, between maritime states, a commensurate growth and a fair balancing of marine and naval power. A monopoly of shipbuilding and navigation, of commerce and sea-carriage, with inordinate naval preparation, cannot but threaten the peace of the world. Ocean commerce should be secured to the least of seaboard States, and every flag fly in safety in its country's commerce.

The permanent peace of the world would be best secured by the equitable principle of every nation attaining and holding its rightful place upon the sea, carrying its due share of commerce, content to see its neighbors so carry theirs. Of late the wiser of the European Governments have brought this principle into view, and have taken such steps as seemed adapted to hold

or to recover their rights -to carry for themselves, and to enjoy the gains thereof. Our own Government, however, having slept upon its post for so many years, has yet to be aroused to the performance of this duty. The events of the late war with Spain should have opened its eyes to national needs, but, building none, it still buys or hires foreign steamers for the transport of its troops to and from our distant possessions, while the late wonderful increase of our foreign trade carried in foreign vessels diverts and entertains the public mind. Even the commerce with the Philippine Islands, being a branch of our domestic carrying trade, has been treated as foreign trade open to foreign vessels, and will be until 1904.

Ruin Due to Change of Policy. If our early policy had been continued, our navigation would have kept pace with our commerce. But we had competitors who hated that policy and strove for a change in their own interest. In 1815, yielding to the wishes of Great Britain, our Government began a deviation from our true course, to take our own way in exercising our right, to encourage our navigation, thereby to maintain a marine of our own, and consented to a false course of binding ourselves to indifference, giving British subjects a better chance to cut our people out of trade, to undermine our merchants, and to overthrow our power at sea. While we had been free to cherish navigation, and had attended to its needs, foreign shipping and alien merchants could not monopolize our transportation and our trade. But they got their chance and improved it. One surrender makes way for another. From time to time we veered and tacked, changing course to please some nation, never returning to the true one, until, in 1828, Congress, by a final act, completely reversed our early policy, laid down the present one, and took leave of the American ship.

Our Government practically said to the world, "Ours is a carrying trade that any nation can have - let who will come and take it." And they have all come, and carried away. In view now of our national needs, it is clear that a serious mistake was made in 1815, in 1824, and in 1828. Reciprocal liberty of commerce" is, for us, nothing but an illusion of a liberal mind innocent of "the tricks of trade." We need to get back our

66

carrying trade. How rightly to accomplish this work is a pressing question. Our original policy still obtains as to shipbuilding and the domestic carrying trade. Congress did not sacrifice these great interests. Only our carrying to and from foreign countries the business wanted by our rivals - has been blasted and destroyed. To say that the cunning diplomacy which has effected this disaster shall stand is to say that an American marine shall never exist, for what will kill cannot bring to life.

We have the right, the duty, and the power, to resume our liberty and to put in force our former policy. It is demonstrable now, that foreign systems of ship protection, foreign combinations of shipowners and underwriters, and impositions of all sorts, for the prevention of employment of American shipping, make regulations of our commerce for securing its employment absolutely necessary and essential. All other remedies will be found without restorative principle, powerless or unconstitutional. Only suitable and vigorous treatment can be successful. Strenuous foreign opposition may be expected to attend our endeavor, be our measures what they may. On the other hand, every interference of our rivals must be withstood, for we must have a marine of our own for our own work. "Will the rewards repay the hazard and the toil?"

Advantages and Benefits of Maritime Pursuits. A statement of the principal reasons why the American people, now eighty millions, rich and powerful, should carry on their own commerce and navigation, do their own shipbuilding, underwriting, and banking, and pursue as they may see fit every business, trade, or calling, related to the sea, has never been presented, connectedly, in any writing heretofore published. It will be in place here, since in the public mind these reasons must lie at the threshold of the shipping question. For easy comprehension they may be grouped under five general heads. These are: 1. The Industrial. 2. The Commercial. 3. The Financial. 4. The Political, and, 5. Military Interests, of the United States every reason rooted in national good, nothing urged on the score of private interest.

-

CHAPTER II.

THE NATIONAL OBJECTS OF A WISE SHIPPING POLICY.

1. THE INDUSTRIAL INTEREST.

THE first and principal want of a civilized community is opportunity for industry and enterprise, for employment and business. If we search, where shall we find to-day, belonging to ourselves by right, trades, occupations, and careers that would be more congenial, honorable, and profitable than shipbuilding, navigation, and commerce with foreign countries? These three grand divisions of enterprise embrace a host of pursuits, all of them worthy of cultivation, many of them suited well to the genius of our people. Carried on commensurate with present needs, their value may be estimated as follows:

Shipbuilding, next ten years, 7,000,000 tons potential,1

And our commerce doubles in fifteen years, while shipbuilding, carrying, and trading increase commensurately.

In these important branches of industry at least five per cent. of our population could find support. At the present, we are carrying about eight per cent. of the value of our foreign commerce with Europe alone, two and a half per cent. - and of our exports, only seven per cent. Our participation in the shipbuilding, and in the trading, underwriting, and banking involved, is correspondingly low. We are getting not to exceed forty millions a year out of fifteen hundred millions within our

1 This is an expression for the unit of combined sail and steam.