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The state of the press, particularly the periodical press, is another evil, the enor mity of which is beyond all calculation. Never was there in any nation, whether professing Christianity or not, such a mass of folly, falsehood, slander, impiety, and blasphemy, as issues daily, weekly, monthly, and quarterly from this polluted source. We need but name it, and leave the details to our readers. It would require a volume to do justice to the sub ject.

religion; there is also with it not a little of decent exterior profession: but beyond this primary and secondary pale, infidelity and profaneness stalk triumphant; they ride on high places; they lift up their heads in parliament; and it requires an effort of Christian firmness, as in the case of the cholera bill, to get even a respectful recognition of the agency of God in the most obvious interpositions of his hand. Mr. Briscoe, on this very occasion, was overpowered by the combined infidelity and religious indifference which prevail in the House of Commons; and had it not been for the suggestion of the Bishop of London in the House of Lords, our legislature would have proceeded to exclude Divine Providence from all concern in human affairs, at least south of the Tweed. Ships and steamengines, and science and universities, are now-a-days to do every thing; religion is to be scouted as cant and hypocrisy, and fit only for churches, Sunday schools, and Methodist meetings. It was not thus in the days of our forefathers; for even those who practically neglected religion did not systematically reject it. In this matter the cry against the present generation is great, and has ascended up into

heaven..

Connected with this topic, we may notice the desecration of the Lord's-day, which the legislature has hitherto refused to check by suitable enactments. We should dwell at length upon this subject, but that we have of late so often alluded to it. It will justly form a prominent topic of humiliation in the approaching solemnity; more especially Sunday marketing, Sunday pleasure-taking, Sunday travelling, and that new modern vice, that master-piece of Satan's inventions, Sunday newspapers. We talk of the Bill of Sports and Sunday drilling, and pharisaically pride ourselves on our amend ment: but what were either of these, bad as they were, to the amount of sin and evil arising from our demoralized and demoralizing Sunday-press-that spawn and parent of infidelity, radicalism, and every wicked work? We have reason to believe that an effort will speedily be made to call the attention of the legisla ture to this widely-spread crime of the violation of the Lord's-day; may the prayers of our readers for its success not be forgotten on the approaching oc

casion.

Intemperance is another sin to be specially lamented. Many persons formerly indulged in excess of drinking; but the poor in general had not the opportunity to do so, however much they might wish it. Now the vice is every where prevalent among them; and unless checked by that happy and merciful discovery of temper ance societies, it is likely to be the ruin, physically, morally, and politically, of the

nation.

We have spoken of religious indiffer ence; we must now add the counterpart, of fanaticism, extravagance of doctrine, and religious ostentation. We shall not at present pursue the topic; but it is one of distressing portent. These serious evils assume various forms; men invent new hypotheses, caricature prophecy, soar to miracles, denounce their fellow-Christians of less romantic mould, and call the world to witness their zeal for God, while in their spiritual pride and self-seeking they are, however uncon sciously, opposing his work, and aiding the subtle machinations of the great enemy. We earnestly wish that good men would duly reflect how greatly fana ticism aids the cause of infidelity. Every newspaper shews it; even Mr. Perceval's truly conscientious motion respecting the fast-day shewed it: for was it not painful to every sober Christian mind, that infi dels and scoffers should be able to barb their jibes against what was so excellent in itself by sneers about the pretence to the gift of tongues and the revival of miracles? And here we must say, and with extreme pain, that there is no one thing so ill represented in the House of Com mons as religion. Some members avows edly scoff at it; others only tolerate it; and when it is brought forward it is too often in connexion with matters of party heat, or in a tone of litigation or extravas gance, which defeats its object. We honour the men who, with whatever of human frailty, dare to vindicate the cause of God within the walls of parliament, where; more than almost any where else, religious allusion is considered to be misplaced; but we could earnestly wish that the character of these discussions, when they do occur, was materially different to what it is. Is there no medium between the exi tremes to which we have alluded? Is it impossible for a sober-minded, peaceably inclined Christian to gain a hearing in the House of Commons? If it be so, the state of the nation is fearful indeed and we trust the reform bill will give more votes to plain old-fashioned Chris tian men in choosing representatives. The House of Lords is more decorous, but scarcely more favourable to religions considerations; and we grieve to say that, with one or two most honourable excep tions, seldom does one of our prelates rise to enlighten the house upon those morul

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Arising in a great measure out of the last-mentioned evil, we may next notice the grievous animosities which exist in what is called the religious world. Both private Christians and the ministers of God's word will, we trust, bear this subject much in their minds on the coming solemnity: it is one of fearful aspect; for a spirit has gone abroad, which, if not timely checked, threatens to destroy all the hopeful blossoms of that spiritual revival, which, under the grace of the Divine Spirit, has been advancing for more than a quarter of a century in this and other lands. To enumerate the particulars which appear to us to come under this head, might only aggravate the evil; but each Christian will call them to mind in his secret retirement, with that minute and local detail which may render his prayers duly earnest and appropriate. He may also assist in checking the evil by watching over his own deportment, and by those meek and scriptural answers which turn away wrath: the rest he must leave to Him who is the Author of peace and the Lover of concord, and who can both guide the unruly will and affections of sinful men, and overrule the misunderstandings and frailties of his most faithful servants to educe good from evil.

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and religious topics which are intimately Reform should have begun at the house mixed up with the economy of politics of God; and if it had done so, there and legislation. had been less pretext for those who seek not reform, but extirpation. We view the spirit which has gone abroad against the Church of England, and which has been fostered by some who as religious men should, for the sake of our common faith, have abstained from joining the outery, as an alarming feature of the times; alarming, we mean, not as to mere matters of temporal emolument or dignity, for these are only useful, in moderation and due adjustment, as means to an end; but as likely, if not more calmly reflected upon, utterly to destroy one of the most impor tant instruments for the moral, political, and spiritual welfare of individuals and nations. God could indeed preserve his church without any external means; but this is not the usual order of his providence; and it is a morbid notion of spirituality which would discard even those human aids which may be consecrated to sacred objects. But our Church needs reform; not only secular reform, but spiritual reform; for, though there has been a wide extension of religion among us, which ought not to be forgotten in the grateful recollections of the ensuing solemnity, much yet remains to be effected, in order, by the blessing of God, to raise our clergy and laity to the high standard of Scripture, and of our own church, both in soundness of doctrine and holiness of life. May the especial prayers of the nation be earnestly directed to this vital point.

The distressing circumstances to which we have alluded, among those who name the name of Christ, may be traced up (and here we discern another affecting cause for deep humiliation) to the low and unsettled state of religion, even in many of his sincere followers. The fire is alive upon the altar, but it burns not brightly; there is too little of the secret striving of the soul, of intimate communion with God, of self-abasement and self-renunciation, of willingness to sacrifice self, and the world, and all things for Christ. The standard is low, the aim is defective; our religion wants vigour, potency, unction; we do not dwell sufficiently in the secret place of the Most High; we do not commune enough with our own hearts, or rise sufficiently to the ardent contemplation of the heights, and lengths, and breadths, and depths of the love of God in Christ Jesus; our piety is superficial, our faith flickering, our desires frigid, and our attainments feeble. The things of the world, worldly books, worldly topics, worldly disputations, draw us off from the Scriptures of truth, and the intense meditation upon holy and heavenly things. Thus sinking far beneath our high privileges as disciples of Christ, is it to be wondered at that the overflowings of ungodliness are too apt to inundate the very precincts of the sanctuary?

We may proceed to mention the external relations of the church of Christ, and particularly our own branch of it.

The state of the poor also requires especial consideration; for, though we believe that never was there an equal, number of human beings in the same space of country so well fed, clothed, and housed, as the majority of the immense populalation of this land, though never was justice more equitably administered, charity more liberal, or comfort more widely. diffused, it is equally true that there is an appalling mass of wretchedness amongst us, much of which might doubtless be alleviated by due attention and sympathy. Among the instruments of popular benefit, some yet unknown may remain to be discovered, and those already in action should be more vigorously worked, especially scriptural edu cation and the public worship of God, for both of which the facilities are hitherto quite inadequate to the necessity.

We might mention various other particulars relative to our manufacturing and agricultural classes, in regard to their moral, physical, and social habits, but we content ourselves with suggesting the topic.

Our commercial sins, and the retributive distresses which have accompanied them, will not fail to be a subject of serious reflection to every well-informed Christian on the approaching day of hu

miliation. The intercourse of man with man in the daily business of life has never been free from frauds on the one hand, and embarrassments on the other; and divines and moralists in all ages have dwelt upon the subject; but in our own day, of large intelligence and unprecedented excitement, there are peculiar features, which require to be discriminated, and which give a painful identity to the picture. The present habits of business, in almost all its varieties, are fraught with iniquity, and, unless repented of and forsaken, may justly bring down the displeasure of God upon us as a commercial nation..

We next turn to our religious institutions; and there, notwithstanding every difficulty, we cherish warm and bright hopes. But we rejoice with trembling; for, alas! what strifes, what misrepresentations, what heart-burnings! We will not foment them by recapitulation; but if any one feature of the times calls for humiliation before God it is this. We trust that earnest prayer will be offered up from many a heart in relation to this matter; and as fasting and prayer should always be accompanied, where practicable, with a donation of a portion of our substance, as God may enable us, to some object connected with his glory, and the temporal or spiritual benefit of our fellow-creatures, we respectfully suggest whether there ought not to be in every church and chapel, and we might say every family, a collection for this purpose. The act of parliament just passed, as well as the general feeling of public interest, will probably cause much to be done to supply the bodily exigencies of the poor; otherwise we should especially recommend this particular object; but this being so far effected, might it not be well still to keep the poor in our eye, only directing our attention to some point connected with their permanent welfare, particularly the welfare of their souls? Might not in many places, on the approaching fast-day, a Sunday School, or daily school, where wanted, be founded or assisted? Might not a Temperance Society be most appropriately commenced ? Might not a Visiting Society, one of the most important of modern inventions of utility, be set on foot? Most of all, might not a plan be formed for promptly supplying the poor, in every town and village in the land, aided as much as possible by their own contributions, with the word of God, by means of that invaluable institution the British and Foreign Bible Society; and this in such a manner as not only not to entrench upon those funds which are devoted to the supply of the whole world, but materially to benefit them, as would be the case if a collection were made in our churches and chapels for the purpose. Indeed, among all the objects to which collections might

be appropriated on the fast-day, there is not any one which appears to us so pressing at this moment (the bodily necessities of the poor having already excited attention), as supplying each locality from its own donations with the word of God, and transmitting any overplus for the benefit of other lands where the want is yet greater than in our own. We are fitting up cholera hospitals; but, alas! as. Dr. Majendie has thrillingly observed, cholera finds men where other diseases leave them, at death's door; and spiritual counsel, if not received before, probably comes too late. Let us then endeavour to furnish preventive remedies for the soul, with at least not less anxiety than for the body; and with this advantage, that if cholera should prove, as many assert, a mere panic, this class of precautions at least will not have been thrown away.

We have not exhausted our topics, but our space obliges us to pass on; and first, on quitting the shores of the mother island, we arrive at Ireland, which peculiarly requires to be remembered in our prayers. We have before us a large collection of documents respecting the great questions which agitate that country, particularly the measures in progress relative to the Established Church, and the education of the people. We regret that the press of topics prevents our going further into the matter till next month, but our general views have been stated in our last Number. We fear that our public men are embarking on a perilous and unscriptural course, which will end in the acknowledgment of Popery as the national religion. Schools are to be established, and this we greatly rejoice at; but they will prove mischievous, and not beneficial, if they are constructed on such a plan as will recognise the popish abnegation of the entire Bible, or impede the present course of scriptural education, whether among Protestants or Papists: and these evils will inevitably follow from the proposed plan, so far as we at present understand it. Again, tithes are to be commuted for a land tax, and the arrears of last year are to be collected by the state, immediate advances being made to the suffering clergy: but attached to the plan of commutation is an announcement, that after the death of the present incumbents the appropriation of the revenues may be altered; so that there is nothing to prevent the popish clergy being salaried out of them; and this, we fear, is the plan ultimately in contempla-' tion. It is impossible to remonstrate too strongly against such an appropriation. We would grant every civil right to the Papist; but to ally ourselves to his corrupt church would be a national crime of the deepest dye, especially after all the experience which England has had of the true character of Popery. We object also, upon principle, to the state having

any thing to do with the direct management of the funds for the maintenance of the clergy, whether Popish or Protestant; for if it once get the controul over them, an unscrupulous minister may procure an act of parliament to apply them to objects wholly foreign to their purpose.

Proceeding on our circumnavigation of charity and intercession, the West Indies next require especial attention. We regret that the great expense incurred by appending the monthly paper of the AntiSlavery Society to our own and other publications prevents that most necessary and important institution continuing to avail itself of this mode of wide gratuitous circulation, especially at the present moment when the public mind peculiarly requires to be informed on the question. The recent disturbances in Jamaica, greatly exaggerated to serve party purposes, shew, if possible, more clearly than ever the necessity of a prompt and final extinction of slavery. We can only at present remind our readers of the topic, purposing to resume it in our next Number; and if in so doing we shall have to blame the conduct of some whom we would wish to honour, if we should especially charge our national clergy, and above all our prelates in their legislative capacity, with having been criminally negligent, or worse than negligent, in this great question of humanity and religion, the sin will be theirs, and not ours for suggesting it as a national subject for deep humiliation before God. We do not expect the favour of a just retributive Providence while our brother's blood cries to us from the ground, and we will not hear. (Isa. lviii. 6.)

The last topic we shall advert to is India, particularly with regard to the necessity of additional bishops. The name of the new bishop is not yet announced, nor is it known whether government intend to propose any addition. Let our earnest intercessions on the approaching day embrace this as among the vital topics, in which not only a few thousands of Englishmen, but ultimately a hundred thousand of natives, and all Asia we might say, are deeply concerned. We insert the following extracts from the letter from Bishop Turner alluded to in our last Number; it is dated Feb. 15, 1831, but did not reach England till nearly two months after his death, so that it may be considered as containing his last and most matured judgment on the great questions connected with India. His statements shew a lamentable apathy in some quarters where a different feeling ought to prevail, but we have not thought it right to suppress them, as it were best that the whole case should be clearly understood.

"Your valuable and interesting letter reached me very opportunely, at Madras, CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 362.

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while in the midst of very urgent and harassing occupations. You cannot easily conceive how much support and comfort it conveyed at a time when they were much needed. It is part of our Indian experience to feel keenly the need of Christian sympathy, and every expression of such sympathy on the part of our friends at home becomes in consequence most valuable. By the Divine blessing I have now accomplished the visitation of the three provinces, and of a large portion of each of the Indian archdeaconries. My course is now for Ceylon. It would be vain to attempt to give even an outline of the several matters which have arisen to demand attention in this extended field of labour; but you must permit me to bring under your consideration one or two prominent subjects of interest, in the hope that by the exertion of your influence, or by a timely declaration of your sentiments, much good may be affected. The first point is the necessity of rousing public attention, and fixing it steadily upon the vast importance of the question now to be raised as to the nature and extent of the obligation under which England (Great Britain), lies bound to India; Christian Britain to Heathen India. I have had occasion to look at this question in all its bearings, and I am deeply convinced, and most earnest to proclaim this conviction, that there is but one true line of policy; as Pagan or Mohammedan India you cannot improve. You cannot even rule these countries: there is no tie that will bind them to you, but that of a common faith: every measure therefore which has for its object a diffusion of the knowledge of Divine truth is politically a good measure; every thing which delays or hinders such diffusion is politically a blunder. I prefer stating this in secular terms, for it is with secular persons we have to treat; all who take a spiritual view of the subject are already with us. The steps of the argument may be thus stated: To govern these people, you must make them capable of understanding and exercising civil privileges. You cannot do this until the tone of moral feeling is raised and improved; and improvement is impossible while the abomination of Hindooism or the fierce intolerance of Islam maintain their influence. This influence therefore must be abated; and where will the boldest politician look for an antagonist principle strong enough to effect this if he puts aside the Gospel? If then our merchants look for wealthy and honest customers -our politicians for orderly and improv able subjects-our speculative philanthropists for fair occasion of exercising beneficence, they must join us in pulling down the pagodas and the mosques, and raising in their stead the plain and simple edifice of a Christian church. Thus far as to the ultimate end and object: in respect to

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the means, I deprecate most earnestly any interference on the part of the government with missionary exertion. I do not ask even direct and declared encouragement: all we should seek from them is to let us quite alone while the work is in progress, but not to withold necessary aid when called for after that work is completed. I am quite satisfied that hitherto we have derived nothing but benefit from the coldness and covert, though well known, hostility of the ruling powers. Had it been otherwise, we should have been overwhelmed by false professions. There are few Bramins in Bengal who would not become candidates for baptism if they thought by doing so they should conciliate the favour of a governorgeneral. I would leave missionary labour then wholly to societies and individuals; the part of government is to provide adequate means for the spiritual instruction of those amongst its subjects who already profess and call themselves Christians, or who may hereafter be brought to such profession. This part, however, the existing governments, both in India and at home, are most reluctant to fulfil; nor will they do it unless compelled by the public voice. It is in the hope that you may do much towards making that voice heard, that I now bring this matter before you. India does not want an expensive or gorgeous church-establishment; a moderate present provision, with an assured means of retirement after a reasonable period of service, would secure the services of an efficient ministry. But observe, that ministry must be supplied from England at a period still very remote, we may look to native agency; but the idea of creating a body of clergy from among the country-born, whether Portuguese or half-caste, is chimerical. The clergy must come from England, and all be allowed a reasonable prospect of returning home. This will secure their efficiency; their number must be determined by authorities on the spot, and not in Leadenhall-street. The mischief of the wretched policy, which leaves four or five considerable stations in each presidency without a chaplain, is felt most severely; nor is there any mode of redress, according to the present plan. The nominations are most jealously reserved to the chairman and deputy chairman, and they never keep the list full. To give you a notion of the practical working of this system-On the Malabar coast, from Bombay to Cape Comorin, there is now one chaplain-namely, at the military station of Cannanore. The most urgent applications have been made to the goverment and to myself, on the behalf of Christian congregations, both numerous and respectable, at the following places : Mangolore, Tellicherry, Calicut, Cochin, and Quilon. At each of the four last mentioned places there is an excellent

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church; the poor people at Mangolore would gladly contribute towards building one, if I could promise them a minister. There is one peculiar circumstance in reference to this coast, which renders the want of a Protestant ministry peculiarly distressing. A great spirit of inquiry has sprung up among the Roman Catholics, who are very numerous; if they had opportunity, they would gladly send their children to our schools, and attend our churches nor have I the least doubt, that if it were in my power to appoint a faithful minister at each of the places I have mentioned, in the course of a few years a striking change would be effected in the condition and character of this people. When you next cast a look upon the map of India, how painfully will it recur to you that at the moment in which I write there is but one Protestant clergyman on the whole line of coast between Bombay and Cape Comorin; Mr. Norton of the Church Missionary Society, at Allepie. The chaplain at Cannanore, died about a month since, and the appointment is still unsupplied, and Mr. Ridsdale, the missionary at Cochin, is gone away sick to the Neilgherries. I take this coast as an example, because I have lately been called to witness its deserted state; but of every part of India, from the Himalaya to Sincapore, the same story might be told: nor have I the least doubt that if the number of chaplains were at this moment increased four-fold, I could m the course of three months station them, that each might have a large and growing congregation. When you state these facts you must prepare yourself to be met by an assertion which my excellent friend Archdeacon Corrie and myself are often called upon to controvert. It is nothing less than this; that the government of India are under no sort of obligation to provide the means of religious instruction for their Christian subjects, unless directly in their employment as civil or military servants. Some individuals high in authority endeavour to support this monstrous principle by argument; and all the three governments act upon it, as I believe, with the full concurrence of those who rule in Leadenhall-street. I am anxious that this question should be thoroughly sifted. It stands thus: The Indian government receive all the revenue, are proprietors of all the land, monopolize all the trade (or would do so if they could); but they are not to be called upon to maintain any institutions for the benefit of those by whom the land. is cultivated, and from whom the revenue is raised. They do not, however, practically hold this; a lack of rupees is set apart annually in Bengal alone for the Hindoo and Mohammedan colleges; the exclusion applies only to Christians, and the institutions intended for their benefit.

"I have entered fully into the details of

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