cipally on the ground of the firft of thefe; and the great ground of argument, for establishing the objections on conftitutional principles, was taken from thofe parts of the bill which relate to the trade with the British colonies and fettlements; to the four enumerated articles from the united states of America; the grant of the furplus of the hereditary revenue; and the trade to the Eaft Indies. On the subject of the trade which had been opened to Ireland with the British colonies, he fays,

When I reflect how long Scotland had endeavoured to obtain from England the protection of her navigation laws, and the benefits of her colony trade; that what is now offered to be permanently granted to Ireland, without any infringement of her rights of legiflation, could not be purchafed by Scotland without the furrender of her legislative fovereignty; when I reflect with what effufions of public gratitude we received that very boon, which fome of us feem now to difdain and spurn; and how carefully and affectionately it had been cherished by our legislature in the acts of every facceeding feffion; I view with amazement the wonderful revolutions of human sentiments, and confider the conftitutional jealoufy, arifing from the proposed fyftem of colonial legislation, as one of those popular delufions, which have too often inflamed the paffions and misled the reasons of men.'

With regard to the furplus of the hereditary revenue, Mr. Hutchinson takes notice that, at the reftoration, fpecific du ties were granted, in perpetuity, "for the better guarding and defending of the feas against all perfons intending, or that may intend the disturbance of the intercourse of this his majesty's realm, (meaning Ireland) and for the better defraying the neceffary expences thereof, and for the increase and augmentation of his majesty's revenue.”

• The probable amount, fays Mr. Hutchinfon, of the proposed grant for many years to come would be far inferior in value to one year's amount of the duties granted by that act, and granted in the first place for this fpecific purpose. This part of the bill would provide for the fame fervice with more economy, and with much better effect. When I fay with much better effect, I speak from experience. In the late war Frigates were ftationed off the coaft of Scotland to protect the trade of that country. I prefented a memorial from Cork to the then administration of Ireland, praying, that the fame attention fhould be shewn to the fouthern and western coafts of this kingdom. I was not able to prevail. But when this navy becomes the navy of the empire, to the fupport of which Ireland contributes, it would be Irish as well as British; and there could be no longer a foundation for any diftinction. Our contribution would center among ourfelves, and would encourage our industry, by the investment of our quota in our own manufactures.' With regard to the fecond objection to this part of the bill, Mr. Hutchinfon affirms that the fact has been mifrepresented. It is no part of the bill that this grant fhould be fupported

by

by a perpetual revenue bill. It would have been supported with good faith; but, like the reft of our revenue, by annual bills in aid of the acts of excife and customs, which are now perpetual."

As to objections made, on conftitutional principles, to those parts of the bill that relate to the British Eaft-India company, I fhall confider them more fully when I come to the commercial parts of the fubject, to which they properly belong. I will only say in this place, that I confider thofe parts of the propofed agreement as an exchange, by mutual confent, of a commerce which exifts in theory only, and which may never be productive, for a certain immediate and advantageous commerce to a great empire in that part of the globe, and to Great Britain; neither of which we can acquire without fuch an exchange; and, this poffible commerce being re-affumable at our pleafure by parting with the confideration given for it, and as we barter commerce for commerce, and not commerce for constitution, that no objection of a constitutional nature can juftly apply to those paragraphs of the bill.'

If Great Britain neither gains, nor Ireland lofes, any power of legiflation, where, fays Mr. Hutchinfon, is the injury to Irish independence? Confidering the fubject in its true light, as merely commercial, he fhews, with great clearness and ftrength of argument that were ftrong reasons to induce even thofe who objected to fome of the commercial regulations of the bill, to vote for liberty to bring it in.

A commercial fettlement between the two kingdoms is acknowledged by every reasonable man to be much wanted; and how this can be obtained, without temperate difcuffion, and the communication to each other of the points in which they agree, and of those in which they differ, I cannot comprehend In the accomplishment of the British union many delays and differences in opinion had arifen. Though the commiffioners, appointed for that purpose under the authority of the parliaments of both kingdoms, had on both fides figned and fealed the articles of union, yet the Scotch parliament made many important alterations, which were adopted by the English par liament. In the proceedings to establish a commercial union between Great Britain and Ireland, difficulties and differences in opinion must neceffarily have arifen among men of the best intentions. Our propofitions have been altered by the British House of Commons; their refolutions have been altered by the Lords of Great Britain; and these alterations were adopted by the House of Commons of that kingdom. In the progrefs on the Irish bill the fulleft difcuffion was intended every objection would have been heard, and every wellfounded objection doubtless must have been allowed, and every proper alteration made. Nothing final during this feffion was ever in contemplation. A great length and variety of examination muft have preceded the fettlement of the schedule of duties and regulations. This fchedule must have been laid before our two houses of parliament in the next feffion, for their approbation; and, after all this had

been

been done, nothing could have been concluded, until the Irish parliament had declared its fatisfaction in the acts of the British legiflature.'

Mr. Hutchinfon goes on to fhew, that the bill offered to Ireland many important commercial advantages, and that its principles were founded in an equitable regard to the interest and profperity of both Britain and Ireland.

The author writes with that ease, perfpicuity, and conviction, which always diftinguish the writings of men of abilities, when their abilities are employed on the fide of truth.

As there was not any formal anfwer published to Mr. Hutchinfon's letter, the editor of this collection has fubjoined to it the principal fpeeches in the Irish Houfe of Commons on Mr. Orde's motion for leave to bring in a bill to carry the Irish arrangements into laws.

After the fpeeches, felected from Mr. Woodfall's publication, there is inferted, political arithmetic of the population, commerce, and manufactures of Ireland, with obfervations on the relative fituation of Great Britain and Ireland. By James Laffan, of the Middle Temple, Efq.'

Mr. Laffan is of opinion that commercial regulations (for a confolidation of conftitutions, he thinks, Ireland will not fuffer) with Great Britain on fair terms of reciprocity of benefits are expedient." Thefe terms, he fays, can only be procured, by a close investigation of the relative fituation of both kingdoms, which he has attempted in a manner heretofore unattend ed to.' Not to make any comments or conjectures on the ambiguity of these laft words, we fhall obferve, that in Mr. Laffan's publication, of which the very title is borrowed +, there is nothing of any importance that has not been already publifhed to the world by different writers, however little it may have been attended to.

ART. VI. A Reply to the perfonal Invectives and Objections contained in Two Anfwers, published by certain Anonymous Perfons, to an Essay on the Treatment and Converfion of African Slaves, in the British Colonies; by James Ramfay, M. A. Vicar of Teflon. 8vo. 2s. Phillips, 1785.

ΤΗ HE matters now in difpute between Mr. Ramfay and his adverfaries can be determined by thofe only, who have accefs to the perfons by whofe teftimony the truth or falfehood of their respective affertions may be tried, and who are acquainted

† From Sir William Petty's POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.

with the scenes and circumftances of the unfortunate people, whose flavish condition has led our difputants, as ufual, from general argument to perfonal invective. On the general views fpeculations, and fchemes of Mr. Ramfay, with regard to the condition, treatment, and converfion of African flaves, and alfo on thofe of his principal adversaries, we have already made feveral obfervations. We have alfo entered a little into the history that is given by Mr. Ramfay's adverfaries, of the circumftances and motives that led him to publifh his effay, weighing however in the fcales of candour and juftice the oppofite teftimonies of open and anonymous writers. It appears from this laft publication of Mr. Ramfay, that many of the facts and circumstances relating to himself, mentioned by his advertaries, are true; although he admits not of the inferences they draw from them, but gives a quite different view from that odious one which they give of his history, character and conduct and this, he fays, he does, becaufe his character as a man, and his reafoning as an author, as if they could ftand or fall only together, are fo blended, as to force him to blend alfo their vindication. Mr. Ramfay may certainly have written a good book in favour of liberty, even allowing him to be what his opponents affirm, none of the best of men. It is true, whatever detracts from his moral character, detracts alfo from the validity of his teftimony. But his appeals to notoriety are at least as good as theirs ; and when teftimony is oppofed to teftimony, or rather affirmation to affirmation, we ought certainly to prefer the evidence of the declared to that of the anonymous writer.

ART. VII.

The Principles of the Commutation Act, established by Facts. By Francis Baring, Efq. 8vo. 1s. Sewell, 1786.

I T is the expence, and the frauds attending both the collection, and the disbursement or expenditure of the public revenue, that is in reality the greatest weight that hangs upon this over-burthened country. As the combining of many particulars under general laws, and the application of these to mechanical operations, give an advantage to the enlightened and philofophical manufacturer; fo alfo, in like manner, the fimplification of taxation is a moft beneficial art in finance, and s great bleffing to any nation.

The author of these fheets, who difclaims all party views and principles, informs us that the only connexion he ever had with the treasury, arose from his being employed in a very confiderable fimplification of the public expenditure, in the business

of

of fupplying the whole of the army victualling contracts, during the time that the Marquis of Lanfdown prefided at that board.

• The execution of that great and important work, together with his fituation in the city, naturally led to his being confidentially confulted refpecting other affairs, of a commercial nature, which were either depending or in contemplation. The tea propofition (which was prefented to his lordship by Mr. Richardfon, of the Eaft-India Houle) and many other plans were then in agitation; and more or less progress was made in them, as time and other circumstances would permit. The propofition refpecting the duties upon tea was also communiccated to feveral principal perfons belonging to the excife and customs, and to others who were competent to judge of its merits; and was generally approved. Under thefe circumftances, the author's most fanguine withes were early embarked in the fuccefs of this meafure; and it affords him the greatest fatisfaction to declare, that he feels himself infinitely gratified by the event.

After giving, in detail, the advantages which have refulted from the commutation-act, he exhibits a compendious view of those in which the public are more immediately interested.

First; Let it be obferved, that the average-quantity of tea fold by the company, for ten years prior to the paffing of the commutationact, was very little more than fix millions of pounds weight per annum; but, within the first twelve months after the act took place, the quantity fold exceeded fixteen millions pounds weight.

Secondly; the amount of the duty ftill continued upon tea has, in the first year only, exceeded the eftimate by no less than £60.434,

Thirdly; the total fum paid by the purchafers, for teas fold fince the paffing of the act, amounts only to £2,770,799; but, had an equal quantity been fold at the former prices, the purchafers must have paid not lefs than £4,826,261: confequently, the public have been benefited to the amount of £2,055,462 by this regulation.

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Fourthly; the increase in the annual amount of the company's fales, will oblige them to extend their importations from China, in order to fulfil the requifitions of the act; and for which purpose, not lefs than forty-five large additional fhips, and 3450 feamen, must be conftantly employed by the company.

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Fifthly; their exports of the woollens and lead of this country. must be augmented from the value of £111,000, to which the amount has hitherto been limited, to at least £300,000 per annum, which will be neceffary hereafter.

Finally; the retaining within this kingdom a balance, amounting annually to no less than £1,032,4co; which, prior to the act, was regularly paid to foreigners in fpecie, through the medium of the fmuggler; and which balance will in all probability be greatly increased, when the purposes of the act shall have been carried completely into execution.

Thefe advantages, which have arifen from a fingle operation, are of fuch magnitude and importance, as to fatisfy every impartial per.on of the beneficial confequences which must result from a general appli