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sent moment, very anxiously to inquire. Let us grasp at objects within our reach, and judge of facts that come under our eye; left, by endeavouring to embrace too extensive a sphere, we lose our. felves in the immensity of space, and become unable to distinguish the clouds from the tops of distant mountains. Ireland may one day. be, in comparison with England, what England is in comparison with the Austrian Netherlands. But, amidst the vicissitudes of nations that must precede such a state of affairs, whatever regulations we may now make for preventing it, must be swallowed up and lost in some other revolution.
Upon the whole of this unsettled state, and the attempts that have been made to bring about a settlement of affairs between Great Britain and Ireland, we shall make two observations.
First, We discern, both in England and Ireland, the usual jealousy which actuates nations, on occasion of any new arrangement for uniting, or bringing them closer together than before. When the union was in agitation between England and Scotland, the English were jealous of the Scots, and the Scots of the English. · When the crown of Great Britain devolved to the Elector of Hanover, the Hanoverians were greatly alarmed left the union of the Electoral and British crowns should deprive them of their ancient laws and customs, and amict them with the introduction of English liberty into the dominions of Germany.
Secondly, At the same time that it must be confessed that the part which the Englifh miniftry had to act, when it was their object to settle a lasting connection, and good agreement, between England and Ireland, was full of difficulty ; yet it must also be owned, that they have not discovered, in their endeavours to effect that object, any of those masterly strokes of policy which have sometimes brought order out of confusion, and saved fates from impending danger and disaster. Our ministry have good intentions, but not superior talents; suppleness rather than dexterity, activity rather than vigour, and good sense, but no resources of enlarged capacity. They teem well enough fitted to conduct the affairs of a regular esta blished government, but hy no means to divert, to manage, or to fubdue the passions of popular assemblies, and to extricate the state from perilous situations.
We fhall give one example of that mafterly genius which is requifite, and which has often been found equal to the task of composing insurrections, and establishing regular and fixed authority.. In the beginning of the present century, the people of Scotland, at that time warlike, and in the possession of arms, were as generally averse to the union, as the Irish are at this day, to the proposed commercial arrangements ; and an armed resistance to that most im. portant measure was, with great reason, apprehended by both the English and the Scotch ministry. By the advice of the Duke of Queensbury, Major Cunningham was directed to lead on an insursection in the western parts of Scotland, and to hold a correspondence with the Duke of Athol, and other Scotch chiefs, who were most disaffected to the union. Cunningham, who was secretly in the pay of the court, proceeded in the business committed to his care,
and undertook to have an army of eight thousand men ready, against a certain day, to overawe the parliament house at Edinburgh, and to enforce the ancient rights and previleges of Scotland Every eye was turned to the rising in the wett, infurrections were prevented in other places, and the bad humours of the nation were drawn to the rendevouz in Airshire, as to a head and issue. In the mean time, matters were so managed with some leading men, who poffeffed the chief authority with the insurgents, and those who had agreed to join them, that all their schemes of resistance, through procafti. nation, and various pretexts and evasions, came to nothing : the arts of our present ministry come far short of this stroke of genius.
The English cabinet, it is said, were not consulted on the Elector of Hanover's accession to the German league, which has brought Great Britain into fresh embarrassments, but which appears to us to have been wise and necessary, 'The Empress of Russia has an eye to Ducal Pruffia, and the Emperor to the recovery of Silesia, and the exchange of Bavaria for the Netherlands, which, ever dissevered from the dominions of Austria, must foon fall a sacrifice to the ambition of France. The Empres may punish Great Britain if the pleases, and at the same time herself, by interrupting or diminishing the Ruflian and English trade, and the Emperor may purfue a fimilar course of conduct. But a regard to the liberites of Germany, of Britain, and of Europe, will justify the Germanic League in the fight of all sound politicians, and induce it to watch, with the molt vigilant care, all collusions among the three great continental powers, as well as their military preparations,
E A ST - IND I B S.
The general alarm which Mr. Pitt's East-India bill has excited, among the British inhabitants of that country, seems at once to prove its moral justice and political inexpedienc. The man who, by fair industry or good fortune, accumulates wealth, cannot have any fair objections to lay before a just tribunal 'a true state of his affairs ; but those, who are conscious of rapine and fraud, will unite in a con. federasy for obtaining a repeal of the odnoxious law, either by influence, or threats, or perhaps by methods ftill more violent. And, at beft, if resistance should neither be threatened nor practised, the British Inhabitants of the East-Indies are certainly laid under a Atrong temptation, and in some cases, under a necessity of returning from India, with their forrtunes, to other countries. It is indeed a hard matter to be deprived of the privilege of British subjeets, a trial by jury: but, in this refpect, the servants of the company are upon the same footing with the military servants of the crown ; and who. ever has a mind to seek riches and honour in the service of either, must submit to the disadvantages of the course of life which, on the whole, he prefers to every other. Besides, in point of ethics, an abridgment of the privileges of a few, when that abridgment tends to promote the prosperity of the whole empire, is clearly justifiable. The great question is, how far it is safe to provoke the passions or politically wise, by alarming the fears of the British in India, to
divert those splendid private fortunes which add so greatly to the capital of the British nation, to foreign countries? This influx of wealth does indeed tend, and that very strongly, to corrupt the morals of the people, as well as to infuence votes in the House of Commons ; yet it would be rather refinement to suppose that Mr. Pitt had any intention in his Eaft-India Bill, to introduce parliamen. tary REFORM, or national REFORMATION.
His Majesty's Speech from the throne is cautious, diftant, and referved. It avoids all particulars, and intrenches adminiftration in the wide field of generals. It tells us, that the nation is rich, floy. rishing, and happy; and that it is well able to bear additional burthens ; but says not a word of foreign treaties, the great bufiness of this, as well as of all foreign nations, at the present moment. In fhost, the minister has made his majesty talk to his people on a fub. ject of which they are more competent to judge than he is; while he gives not the least information concerning subjects that are very interesting to the nation, and had excited a very general and anxi. ous concern.
Mr. Burke has at last broken ground, and begun to carry on his works against the late governor-general of Bengal, Mr. Hastings. And in this attack, he is supported by his party-shall we say? or faction ;-among whom are some characters that in the late war did not certainly advance the military renown of their country. When the fortunes of Great Britain fell in the new world, they were sustained and even promoted in the old. In the centre, where these appear to unite, at the junction of the Mediterranean ard Atlantic oceans, Nature herself had raised a sublime theatre for the display of military virtue : and on that theatre this was displayed with great glory and success by the British officers and soldiers, under the direction of GENERAL ELLIOT. In Afia, amidst the fluctuating councils, and varying orders from England, and the storms which were excited by the French, the Dutch, the jealousy and the perfidy of the native princes, and perhaps too by the factitious disposition of some of his colleagues in office ; amidft these storms, HASTINGS steadily held the helm, steered the ship into port, and preserved to his country, as if in spite of herself, the richest and faireft dependency that was ever poliefied by any kingdom. The success of his measures jufti
The Mediterranean Sea was the great medium of communication between ancient nations, as the Atlantic and Pacific oceans are npr between the opposite bemispheres.
fied the fagacity and the vigour of the means: the event and consummation of his plans illustrated whatever had appeared dark or doubt. ful in his conduct ; brought forth the purity of his intentions, and manifested the largeness of his mind. Yet this man, unsuspected of avarice, and whose only fault, is the lofty ambition of having dared to incur a hazardous responsibility in order to fave his country; this man, of all the great officers, whether in military or civil departments during the late war, is the only one whose conduct is publicly ar-, raigned and called in question.
I'he accuser of Mr. Hastings is universally allowed to be a man of genius, learning, and great sensibility of temper. It is the nature of all passions to magnify their objects: extreme irritability of nerves, which is sometimes carried even to the length of madness, not only exaggerates facts, but creates phantoms : and to these circumstances, united very probably with an early resolution of Mr. Burke to distinguish himself, in imitation of the ancient orators in the Grecian and Roman republics, by calling to judgment fome plunderer of the provinces, we are probably to ascribe the extraordinary phenomenon of an ingenious and good, pursuing a great and just man, with all the fury of indignation against injustice and oppression.
It is nearly two years since, in our monthly historical and political speculation, we hazarded the conjecture that Mr. Burke, whose predominant pasion is the love of literary fame, had in his earlier years, on his first prospect of coming into parliament, determined if pollible, in imitation of Cicero, to drag fome delinquent before the tribunal of the public. He fixed his eye on Mr. Hastings; he watched his conduct; he applied himself to the collection of materials for accu. sation; and the fertility of his imagination, and the warmth of his pallions, made up for the barrennets of his subject. That ideas of this kind have actually taken poffefsion of his mind appears certain, when we reflect that he has of late talked much of Cicero and Verres in the House of Commons. Mr. Burke contended that an accuser for the public was intitled to great indulgence, and all the affiftance possible in the profecution of his object. He instanced, from the republics of Greece and Italy, that the several itates used to give every advantage of information to those who took upon them the honourable, the dangerous, and the disagreeable task of bringing a public delinquent to trial. He went into the history of Cicero's prosecution of Verres, and pointed out that, notwithstanding that governor had been in the higheft offices, and closely connected with the greatest men in Rome , yet, when Cicero had undertaken to im.. peach him for extortion and other high crimes, every source of information that could be thought of was laid open to him :* this cera tainly gives fome probability to the conjecture which we formerly hazarded. Mr. Burke we doubt not, is actuated in this profecution by virtadus intentions. The famous knight of La Mancha was a man of learning, genius, taite, and virtue. It was a jutt indignation
Morning Chronicle, Feb. 21, 1786.
against against injustice and oppression, that determined him to fally forth in. quest of adventurers: and, in all his enterprizes, he fewed great valour as well as benevolence, although he unfortunately mistook their proper objects.
Mr. Hastings views the hostile preparations of the orator with a tranquillity which, if it is not fincere, 'is nobly affected; and, with an erect countenance, seems to say to his accuser, though you emulate "the glory of Cicero, you have not found in me a VERRES.
GERMANIC LEAGUE, It was expected once that the opposition in parliament would found some motion against ministry, on the ground of the accession of Hanover to the Germanic league ; but the expectations of this feem now to die away. The minister is not certainly responsible for the resolutions formed in the councils of Hanover. And, if he were, is it clear that the accession of Hanover to the German confederacy, is not for the interest of Great Britain ? It is the grand object of the Emperor to exchange the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria. Suppose this exchange to be made, the Netherlands, difunited from the Au. ftrian dominions, would infallibly fall into the hands of France, if they should not be protected by the arms of Great Britain. For the French monarchs have lain in wait to extend their power over the Netherlands for more than a century. They have reduced a very considerable portion of them, and they only look forward to a fit op-' portunity of subduing the rest. This barrier being removed, the United Provinces would also fall into the French monarchy, if they khould not be divided, or in some shape or other be made the subjects of some ambitious bargain between the courts of Versailles and Vienna. The independency of the Netherlands is one of the grand bulwarks against that universal monarchy with which Europe has been threatened for more than
a century, by France, and is, indeed, still threatened.
[ To be continued.]
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