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a new fyftem of political economy. It propofes a new and improved reprefentation of the commons or people of England; a new mode of defence; a new method of raifing a revenue for answering all the public exigencies. Our author, though rather defponding, is evidently a man of genius and obfervation, and many of his hints are worthy of attention.

The whole amount of our actual currency, about twenty. millions fterling, as it flowed into this country through numberlefs paffages and exchanges, is equally liable to be carried away, if the due caufes fhall act towards that end. We owe, at home and abroad, between two hundred and feventy, and two hundred and eighty millions. About feventy millions of this fum, it is calculated, belongs to the inhabitants of other countries; and this certainly furpaffes, by a very great number of millions, the whole of the circulating cafh in the kingdom. The intereft due for this, would be about two millions four hundred thousand pounds; and this we have no means of furnishing, fays our author, except by the furplus of our trade, including our intercourfe with the other parts or connections of the British empire. The circumftances of our foreign debt, fays he, fo far exceeding our domeftic ftock of coin, of our national out-goings, having of late years prodigioufly furpaffed our total income, of our great and exhaufting remittances, annually made, and making to other countries, and of the burthened and encumbered ftate of our trade. Thefe circumftances excite, with refpect to our circulation, and the balance of trade, the most alarming apprehenfions in the breast of every confiderate man.

• Opportunity however begets events. The state of Holland is now perhaps weak compared with the power of Great Britain; but is it nevertheless abfolutely impoffible that the Dutch, fo exceedingly our creditors, fhould in a time of total diforder and distraction come one day, and demand our lands and poffeffions, our country itself, in discharge of the debts due and unpaid to them; or that fome other neighbours cr nations might in fuch a conjuncture prefs hard upon us? May Dover never become a compenfation for Calais, or Portimouth for Gibraltar! Who can fo far look into fate and futurity as to foretel the utmost end and confequences of certain caufes now exifting in our state; unless they fhall be obviated and prevented in due time and by the proper means? Enough however has been faid on this head: Let us drop the curtain on a fubject, of which the writer cannot difcourfe or confider without the greatest awe and concern.'

Our author, after exhibiting this melancholy view, proposes certain means for retrieving our dangerous fituation. In the first place, he recommends a general, equal, and real reprefentation of the people. Thus, furnished with the utmost wisdom and integrity in council, united to the extreme autho

rity over the whole and all the feparate parts of it, he next proposes, for the purpose of an economical fyftem of national ftrength and defence, an univerfal national militia.

'I mean, fays he, one officered, armed, trained, marshalled, maintained by ourselves, diftinguished only by their common dress, together with fome flight regimental mark; and confifting of all the fenfible men of the kingdom, who should voluntarily offer to take part in such an admirable and defirable eftablishment; a measure entirely concurring and coincident with the preceding one of a general representation. This ifland might perhaps afford and furnish near a million of fuch foldiers. What a power would here be !

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Prepared and provided in this manner, we might withstand a combination of the world; although our neighbouring feas and ports were laid open. Such a body would, at the fame time, not be defirous of displaying their knight-errantry abroad, nor enable or encourage ambi. tious men to act that wild and deftructive part. Fortunate the nation, happy the people, who fhall be fo fecured and defended! The expences would likewife be comparatively moderate. Every man would, as it were, go from his own abode, his houfe, his shop to the place of exercise; and that being over, return thither again. Such an institution would befides infure domeftic peace, order and good government; for thefe bleffings are both the true intereft and the real defire of the public, of the many and multitude; but it is the diftrefs and defperation of a few low, or the rapaciousness and ambiton of a few high men, which fo much disturb and difquiet the reft of mankind. The volunteers of Ireland are a pregnant proof on this fubject: Never were the laws of that country fo duly and regularly executed, as by their means. They have on this head done a credit to themselves, to their country, to their inftitution, and to the principles of liberty, on which they were established.

Why, however, fhould we then doubt as much of our own countrymen of England? A due encouragement of government might foon raife numerous armies on these grounds, who would prove an invincible defence for the throne of the prince that so favoured and confided in them. How little, nevertheless, are some stations of men made acquainted with their true intereft, being commonly instructed to look with jealoufy on all, except on a few furrounding fycophants and flatterers; who are perhaps the very persons, of whofe selfish and defigning counfels they have the most real reason to beware!

Should, at a time of general diftraction and confufion, a foreign enemy land in our ifland; what a tempting prize for a rapacious plunderer, or a vain-glorious conqueror, would the city of London be, with all its prodigious extent and neighbourhood! It is fituated not far from our coaft: Its immenfe multitude would be its weakness: These would be as helpless and defenceless as a flock of sheep, confifting of the fame number; I mean in their prefent ftate; but let them be armed. and prepared according to the plan propofed; when they would become a fecurity and protection for themfelves, for the royal perfon and family, and the whole kingdom. May fuch a day of trial never be feen or known! but the misfortunes following upon it will be our own,

fault ;

fault, if it should, and if this almoft fure means of felf-defence fhall have been neglected. Thus, however, fhould we unite wifdom, integrity, authority and strength; have reafon to fear neither foreign foes or domeftic disturbances; but our country be able to fupport itself against all probable, or, under Heaven, almoft poffible, dangers or events of violence'

Proper and effectual means being neceffary to be pursued, refpecting the balance of our trade, and to prevent the ebb or reflux of our treasure, our author propofes to make

"Great Britain one total, entire, free port, with full and perfect liberty of exportation and importation, without exception, without reftriction, without custom-houfe duties on one hand, or drawbacks or bounties on the other; to extend likewise the same privilege and indulgence to all our different, dependent dominions; to our fettlements in Africa, to the province of Canada and our Weft-Indian islands, together with every other part or place now belonging to us, and not confined by exclufive grants or charters; as likewife, to endeavour by our example and precedent to lead Ireland into the fame measure; on whose fide however we should in this case probably find not the leaft difficulty or hefitation. Such is then the plan prefumed to be thrown out for general confideration.

Our prefent fyftem is in a manner composed of inconfiftencies, of contradictory regulations, of duties and drawbacks, obftacles and encouragements, impofitions and allowances, prohibitions and monopolies, every one of them mutually clashing with each other, but all concurring to the univerfal detriment and disadvantage of the whole Whereas, in the cafe mentioned, commerce would take its natural courfe and find its readieft vent; every means and opportunity of trade would be open; our intercourse with other nations and that of other nations with us be increased; our navigation be delivered from numberless incumbrances and impediments; our country probably become the warehouse of the world, and our merchants be employed as the common carriers for the rest of mankind.

How would likewife our colonies, fettlements or provinces, be enriched, and pour their treasures into England, as, I fay, the mo ther country and place of empire? While we shall so remain, we must for our own circle of government, be the center of arts, sciences, improvement and preferment; of pleasure, profit and ambition; which, circumftances, and others of the fame fort, will irrefiftibly draw hither the inhabitants, and with them the riches, gold, filver, and produce of our dependencies or connections. The proprietors themselves would, with the propofed liberty, willingly and fpontane oufly bring or fend to us in a most abundant manner thofe valuable objects, instead of a small part of them being fnatched through reftraints, murmurs, and discontents, by the difgufting hand of the tax-gatherer. Such is the regular and conftant course of nature: The trade winds do not more furely blow from their respective points, nor rivers run into the ocean, or the needle tend towards the pole, than thefe other circumstances happen and take place in their due order. We obferve the former by experience, and learn the rules of them

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from reason; but thefe latter proceed from human paffions and inclinations, from motives and principles paffing in our own breasts: We feel the caufes within ourselves, as well as fee the confequences without. There is therefore no ground to doubt of the event, provided we will pursue the proper means to produce fuch moft defirable and beneficial effects.

If Saint Euftatia, with every other place comparatively infignificant of itself, does fo profper and flourish, and return fuch profits to its principals by a free trade, what might with that advantage be expected from our own many fine iflands, and efpecially from Jamaica, fituated as it is with refpect to the gulph of Mexico and the Spanish main! One hundred and thirty years have now paffed fince our conquest of this valuable poffeffion; but what most plentiful ftreams of treasure would, during that period, have flowed and rolled, as it were, from thence into our country, if the inhabitants thereof had themselves been allowed the liberty to acquire it! Some of these islands nevertheless are now faid grievously to complain of the reftraints laid upon their intercourse with the American continent : Let us then particularly beware of driving or inducing them to look towards that example; in which cafe it will be but a poor remedy or refource for us only to exclaim against rebellion and ingratitude, when we might by a due indulgence, advantageous to ourselves, as well as to them, have foreftalled the evil.

If the prudent policy here recommended had prevailed before the last war; I fay, if Great Britain, Ireland, the almoft immenfe continent of North America, then belonging to us, our West Indian iflands, our African settlements, our Eaft-Indian territories, our SouthSea pretentions, together with the reft of our empire, connections or dependencies, had all enjoyed a perfectly free trafic, both among themselves and with every other nation; for what a large part muft we have shared in the trade, navigation, power and riches of the whole world, in thofe great purfuits of human interest and ambition! How does the very idea ftrike and flatter the imagination of an Englishman! That time however is now no more: Let us therefore turn our backs on fo mortifying a remembrance and reflection; but let us nevertheless pursue the fame object, and proceed towards that point fo far as we are able: Much yet remains within our reach and command, if we fhall not be deficient to ourselves, although the occafion is perhaps preffing and urgent.

This measure will likewife immediately put an end to fmuggling by an inftant effect, as the light of the fun drives away darkness. It will convert the contraband trader into a fair and lawful merchant. This point is fo evident in itself as to allow no room for argument or enlargement on the fubject.'

As our cuftoms, however, would in this cafe be of courfe difcarded, the next queftion will be, how we are to fupply their place, and to raise our revenue without them? to which I anfwer, by inland taxes and duties. The writer will not here go into a long difcourfe concerning the nature of taxation; but the latter are well underflood to be less expenfive in the collection, lefs liable to fraud, more productive, and more capable of being extended, than the former: Va

rious articles freed from the customs, will fo be the better fubjected to the excife: The experience of the present times, our ftamps, licences and other proceedings, fully confirm thefe opinions: Whatever our wealth and abilities may at the bottom be, and fhall on a continuation prove; whether we really abound in riches, or are on the brink of bankruptcy; we can in either cafe, and all things confidered, colleft by these means a larger national income than by any other.'

The two grand objects our author has in view are, to preferve the public independence, and yet to discharge as much as poffible of what is due to the creditors of the ftate. He is clearly of opinion, that taxes fhould have certain bounds; even the public creditors fhould be obliged to accept of a compromise for their debts; left the funds, both principal and intereft, fhould be swallowed up and loft in one common ruin with the country. Salus populi fuprema lex.

On the subject of national defence, the author of this important publication advifes, and fhews how, to keep up a conftant friendship with Ireland. And, with regard to Scotland,' he fays,

• We are threatened with circumftances, that bid fair to try our very nearest and firmest connections; the firft among which may without exception be reckoned North Britain. I will not go into a general discourse of the original reasons for or against the union; but it evidently cannot now be diffolved without the greatest disadvantage to England, and especially in any time of particular diftrefs or diffculty; a conjuncture of which kind only can give rife or effect to fuch an event. Should this effential part of ourselves be in a like case torn from us, and perhaps turned to enmity, will it not prove as it were the completion of our evils and calamities? Any due means therefore of cementing, ftrengthening and continuing the prefent conjunction between the two countries, cannot, for us Englishmen in particular, but be a most defirable and advantageous, as well as moft necessary and important measure.

• There seems then to be no more fure and effectual, more easy and fit method of compaffing this purpose fo devoutly on all fides, to be wished, than to introduce a greater number of the Scottish nobility into the English peerage; than to unite and affociate fully and perfectly in the fame privileges the first northern with the first fouthern families of our island. The noble objects of this propofition fecm at present to be fituated in a peculiar ftate of jealoufy and mortification: They are deprived of the high pre-eminence which they once enjoyed, of conftituting wholly the legiflature of one kingdom; but are nevertheless denied admittance into that of another, except at the precarious will, pleasure and humour of the minifter for the time being; that is to fay, through an election commonly governed and influenced by him. It need not to be obferved, how much ambition or a de." fire of power and fuperiority operates on our fpecies in general, but certainly not leaft on perfons diftinguished by their birth and rank. Where would then be the wonder, fhould men fo circumftanced en

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