fagacity, and forefight, which, being employed in immoral enterprizes, were degraded from the name of talents, and branded by that of the meaneft cunning and artifice He poffeffed, together with thefe qualities, great firmnefs of mind; and in the most trying moments, and under the fevereft mental agitation, he could fummons to his aid the most perfect recollection, and the utmoft composure of countenance. Nothing was wanting to entitle him to the praise of the most profound fagacity and prudence, as well as the greatest fortitude and heroic virtue, but the exercise of his faculties and powers in a worthy cause. The manner of his death, emphatically expreffed the folly of his life, and the mifery and infamy of mifpent ta lents. ART. 21. An Apology for Negro Slavery: or, the West-India Planters Vindicated from the Charge of Inhumanity. By the Author of Letiers to a Young Planter. 8vo. 1s. Strachan. 1786. This apologia obferves, that we do not painfully feel the want of that which we never enjoyed; and that, therefore, flavery can only be faid to be a great evil, when it is a deprivation of liberty; that Montefquieu, fays, that although all men are born equal, flavery, in certain countries, is founded in natural reafon, the cowardice of the people of hot climates almoft always rendering them flaves; and that the Welt-India negroes are not fo unhappy as thofe who are obliged to work under ground in the Spanish mines. He affirms, that negroes are not fitted, by natural character and difpofition, to fill the fuperior flations, or more elevated ranks in civil fociety; that negro lavery is one of thofe indifpenfable and neceffary links, in the great chain of caufes and events, which cannot and indeed ought not to be broken; and, in fhort, that "whatever is, is right." He fhews that the flave trade is confiftent with found policy, fince it cannot fail to be gainful to this country. He fhews that, in fome inftances, the negro flaves in the West Indies are happier than the peasants and day labourers in Great Britain, but allows, that in fome inftances they are treated with extreme cruelty. He laughs at fome of the romantic fchemes of Mr. Ramfay, and makes large quotations, and retails other things, without acknowledging them, from the " Curfory Remarks" on that gentleman's effay. Upon the whole, the author of the apology before us is an unconvincing defender of a wretched caufe. ART. 22. Delectus Sententiarum et Hiftoriarum, in ufum Tironum accomodatus. 12mo. 25. Robinsons. 1785. The compiler of this collection juftly obferves, that there is no claffical author fufficiently ealy to initiate youth in Latin conftruction. To remedy this defect in the catalogue of books fit for young ftudents, in the Latin tongue, two books have been published: Selecta è veteri Teftamento: and E profanis Scriptoribus, hiftoriæ. To the former it is an objection, that it is unclaffical; to the latter, that claffical Latinity is intermixed with inelegant tranflations from the Greek. The felection under review from the pureft latin writers obviates both thefe difadyantages. And the author of this compilation, at the fame fame time that he facilitates the acquifition of the Latin tongue, has chofen fuch quotations as tend to inspire and cherish good moral principles; fo that he has done no inconfiderable fervice to the public. POLITICAL. ART. 23. The Letter of Dion Caffius, and its Anfwer, on the Subject of Reform in the Burghs of Scotland. I zmo. Aberdeen. The writer of the letter, figned Caffius, defends the present mode of election in the burghs of Scotland; by which the magiftrates elect one another, and the burgeffes are reduced to mere cyphers in the community. He very properly takes the fignature of Dion Caffius, who was patronized and rewarded by the Roman emperors, under whom he lived, for being the apologift of their tyranny; for inculcating paffive obedience on the people; and for writing his hiftory in order to establifh thefe opinions into a fyftem. The Anfwer, by a burgefs of Aberdeen, is a manly and fpi ited performance; and the author difcovers equal zeal and knowledge in the caufe of freedom, which he defends. A reform, in the election of burghs, has long been in agitation among the enlightened and fpirited citizens of Scotland; and nothing but public fpirit and perfeverance is requifite to obtain it. It may be worth while to remark, that Aberdeen hath fet the example, to the other counties in Scotland, of many improvements, which have highly contributed to the power of that city, and, to the benefit of the kingdom. ART. 24. A Reply to the Answer to a Short Essay on the Modes of Is. 6d. Wilkie, The author of the Reply to the Anfwer, who we prefume to be the author of the Short Effay, juftly obferves the glaring inconfifiency of which the mafter-general of the ordnance is guilty, when, in his Anfwer to the Short Effay, he charges him with mifrepresentation, while, at the fame time, he allows to his obfervations the force of demonftration. He complains, that the mafter-general examined his effay not fairly, but by detached fentences; and clearly convicts him of inconclufive reafoning; and alfo, by an appeal to facts, and living witneffes of credit, of a dereliction, in manifold inftances, of his former profeffions, and avowed principles. If your Grace,' fays our author, would confider the Short Effay candidly and impartially, you would eafily perceive, that the author admits a fyftem of defence, both as proper, expedient, and neceffary; but he recommends one adapted to our infular fituation and military eftablishment. Men, who have diftinguished themselves in every branch of the military profeffion, fhould, and ought to be, confulted. Naval officers are undoubtedly the beft judges of the practicability of landing on particular fpots; they are the beft judges of the nature of the coaft; how near fhips of the line, or frigates, can approach the fhore, to cover and protect the landing of troops; and of the proba P 2 ble ble effects of a fire judicioufly directed from batteries erected on shore, to oppose the enemy's fhipping, and to annoy the troops on their approach. General officers, who have commanded in the field, who are acquainted, by experience, both with the attack and defence of lines, fhould be confulted on their fituation and expediency; determine, with fome degree of accuracy and precifion, on the number of troops abfolutely requifite to maintain them; otherwife the trength of our works will become relative weakness. and When a plan, combined, arranged, and methodized, in all its parts, has once been fixed on, it should be invariably and progref fively pursued, and the uninterrupted execution fubmitted to engineers, who are certainly the best qualified for conftructing the works, though their opinion fhould not be implicitly and exclufively adopted. No man, I am confident, who has a fincere regard for the honour and welfare of his country, would ever with to fee a matter of this importance folely intrufted to the control and direction of a maftergeneral, who, from party and politics, may be thrown into that fituation, by a defertion of his friends, and a dereliction of his principles. If this fhould ever be the cafe, we might fee fuch a man, with mediocrity of parts, and half-educated talents, labouring to diftinguish himself, by tampering in a science he does not comprehend. and in which he has never been profeffionally inftructed, or even derived the least knowledge from experience or fervice. We should fee fuch a man puzzling himself, and perplexing others; obtruding his own plan and fyftem of defence, founded on whim, caprice, and prefumption; and who, by indulging the native propenfity of a turbu lent, yet trifling difpofition, may at last mistake the refleffness of folly for the activity of genius.' This Reply, as well as the fhort Effay, difcover great ability in our auther, both as a military man, and as a writer. ART. 25. A Letter from a diftinguished English Commoner to a Peer of Ireland, on the Repeal of a Part of the Penal Laws against the Irish Catholics. Izmo. 6d. Keating. 1785. The author of this letter is at a lofs to determine, whether it was wife, for the fake of expunging the black letter of laws, which, menacing as they were in the language, were every day fading into difufe, folemnly to re-affirm the principles, and to re-enact the provifions of a code of ftatutes, by which the catholics are totally excluded from the privileges of the commonwealth; from the higheft to the loweft; from the moft material of the civil profeffions; from the army; and even from education, where alone education is to be had. He looks on the bill, in the abstract, as neither more nor less than A renewed act of univerfal, unmitigated, indifpenfable, exceptionlefs difqualification. One would imagine, that a bill, inflicting fuch a multitude of incapacities, had followed on the heels of a conqueft, made by a very fierce enemy, under the impreffion of recent animofity and refentment. No man, on reading that bill, could imagine he was reading an act of amnesty and indulgence, following a recital of the good beha viour of those who are the objects of it; which recital Rood at the head head of the bill, as it was first introduced: but, I fuppofe, from its incongruity with the body of the piece, was afterwards omitted. This I fay on memory. It, however, ftill recites the oath, and that Catholics ought to be confidered as good and loyal fubjects to his majefty, his crown, and government: then follows an univerfal ex clufion of thofe good and loyal fubjects from every, even the lowest office of truft and profit, or from any vote at an election; from any privilege in a town corporate; from being even a freeman of fuch corporations; from ferving on grand juries; from a vote at a veftry; from having a gun in his houfe; from being a barrifter, attorney, folicitor, or, &c. This has furely much more the air of a table of profcription, than an act of grace. What muft we fuppofe the laws, concerning thofe good fubjects, to have been, of which this is a relaxation? Ĭ know well that there is a cant current about the difference between an exclufion from employments, even to the moft rigorous extent, and an exclufion from the natural benefits arifing from a man's own industry. I allow, that, under fome circumftances, the difference is very material, in point of justice; and that there are confiderations which may render it advifeable for a wife government to keep the leading parts of every branch of civil and military adminiftration in hands of the beft truft: but a total exclufion from the commonwealth is a very different thing.-When a government fubfifts, as governments for merly did, on an estate of its own, with but few and inconfiderable revenues drawn from the subject, then the few offices which fubfifted were naturally at the difpofal of those who paid the falaries out of their own pockets; and there an exclufive preference could hardly merit the name of profcription: almost the whole produce of a man's industry remained in his own purfe to maintain his family. When a very great portion of the labour of individuals goes to the ftate, and is by the ftate again refunded to individuals through the medium of offices; and in this circuitous progress, from the public to the private fund, indemnifies the families from whom it is taken, an equitable balance between the government and the fubject is established. But if a great body of the people, who contribute to this ftate lottery, are excluded from all the prizes, the stopping the circulation, with regard to them, must be a molt cruel hardfhip, amounting, in effect, to being double and treble taxed, and will be felt as fuch, to the very quick, by all the families, high and low, of thofe hundreds of thousands who are denied their chance in the returned fruits of their own induftry. This is the thing meant by those who look on the public revenue only as a spoil; and will naturally wish to have as few as poffible concerned in the divifion of the booty. If a state fhould be fo unhappy as to think it cannot fubfift without fuch a barbarous proicription, the perfons fo profcribed ought to be indemnified by the remiffion of a large part of their taxes; by an immunity from the offices of public burden; and by an exemption from being preffed into any military or naval fervice.' This gentleman writes with ability and moderation; and reprefenta the injuries and hardships inflicted ftill by the proteftants on the catholics, the great body of the people of Ireland, with uftness, clearnefs, and energy. P 3 ART ART. 26. Oppofition Politics exemplified. By the Editor of the Bean ties of Fox, North, and Burke. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Stockdale. 1786. The compiler of this collection from the newfpapers, after making various trite obfervations on the nature of the British conftitution, and of parties and factions, affirms, that the end of the leaders of oppofition is merely to get into power; and their means are the various arts of circumvention; continual fault-finding in parliament; and conftant circulation through the country of fictions, mifreprefentations, and detraction of every kind. The monthly pamphlet circulates within a circumference too narrow to do sufficient mischief, at whatever expence to the dukes this circulation is peformed. The diurnal papers convey the poison, through every vein of the ftate, much more effectually. And the Morning Herald is felected for its fatire; while the Gazetteer is employed for its audacity of falfehood, and contempt of fhame. It is from these two papers that the following examples of oppofition politics are, therefore, taken; the firft column, in the following pages, contains the factious paragraphs; the oppofite column points the factious purpose: it is from a comparison of the whole, that the oppofition politics are exemplified: And judge, by the pernicious fruit, the tree: The fruit produced in the fpecimens before us, is, indeed, for the moft part, four, rotten, naufeous, and unwholefome: but does it wholly grow on the tree of oppofition? Is any party, faction, or denomination of men, refponfible for the falfe, and futile, and foolish fcribbling of unlettered and unprincipled volunteers in their fervice ? The paragraphs produced in this publication are not certainly all of them published at the inftigation, or even with the privity and approbation, of the LEADERS of oppofition, however they may be applauded by their weak partizans. The engine of barefaced falfehood, however it may be fharpened and pointed, recoils, at the long fun, against thofe who ufe it. Nor is there the leaft merit in saying cutting things against men in public office, when they are not founded in truth, any more than there is wit in retailing JOE MILLER'S jefts. It is an easy matter to ranfack the writings of the most eloquent partymen, and keen fatyrifts, of former times; and to apply affertions, concerning other men, and other times, to the prefent. Oppofition, therefore, must be very weak indeed, if they countenance fuch miferable attempts to fupport their caufe. ART. 27. 'Tis All my Eye. Addressed to Archibald Macdonald, Efq. By a Gentleman of Lincoln's-Inn. 8vo. 1s. Wilkie, 1786. The author of this pamphlet thinks that it would be much better to prevent the commiffion of crimes, than to punish offenders. He is not for creating new jurisdictions, nor for enlarging any inferior ones. The old English laws are good enough for our author, and would, he thinks, if well enforced, be found to answer all the good purposes |