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fagacity, and foresight, which, being employed in immoral enterprizes, were degraded from the name of talents, and branded by that of the meanet cunning and artifice. He poffefled, together with these qualities, great firmness of mind; and in the most trying moments, and under the levereft mental agitation, he could summons to his and the most perfect recollection, and the atmost composure of countenance. Nothing was wanting to entitle him to the praise of the most profound sagacity and prudence, as well as the greatest fortitude and heroic virtue, but the exercise of mis faculties and powers in a worthy cause. The manner of his death, emphatically expressed the folly of his life, and the misery and infamy of mispent talents. Art. 21. An Apology for Negro Slavery : or, the West India Planters Vindicated from the Charge of Inbumanity

. By the Author of Letiers to a Young Planter. 8vo. 1s. Strachan. 1986.

This apologii observes, that we do not painfully feel the want of that which we never enjoyed; and that, therefore, flavery can only be faid to be a great evil, when it is a deprivation of liberty ; that Montesquieu, says, that although all men are born equal, Navery, in certain countries, is founded in natural reason, the cowardice of the people of hot climates almoft always rendering them flaves; and that the Welt-India negroes are not so unhappy as those who are obliged to work under ground in the Spanish mines. He affirms, that negroes are not fitted, by natural character and disposition, to fill the superior fations, or more elevated ranks in civil society; that negro slavery is one of those indispensable and necessary links, in the great chain of causes and events, which cannot and indeed ought not to be broken ; and, in short, that“ whatever is, is right." He Thews that the slave trade is confistent with found policy, since it cannot fail to be gainful to this country. He shews that, in some instances, the negro llaves in the West Indies are happier than the peasants and day labourers in Great Britain, but allows, that in some inftances they are treated with extreme cruelty. He laughs at fome of the romantic schemes of Mr. Ramsay, and makes large quotations, and retails other things, without acknowledging them, from the “ Cursory Remarks” on that gentleman's essay. Upon the whole, the author of the apology before us is an unconvincing defender of a wretched cause. Art. 22. Dele&tus Sententiarum et Historiarum, in usum Tironum

accomodatus. 1 2mo. 2s. Robinsons. 1785.

The compiler of this collection juftly observes, that there is no classical author sufficiently ealy to initiate youth in Latin construction. To remedy this defect in the catalogue of books fit for young ftudents, in the Latin tongue, two books have been published: Sele&è veteri Teftamento : and E profanis Scriptoribus, hiftoriæ To the former it is an objection, that it is unclassical; to the latter, that claffical Latinity is intermixed with inelegant trandations from the Greek. The selection under review from the purest latin writers' obviates both thefe difadyantages. And the author of this compilation, at the fame time that he facilitates the acquisition of the Latin tongue, bas chosen such quotations as tend to inspire and cherish good moral principles ; so that he has done no inconsiderable service to the public.



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Art. 23. The Letter of Dion Caffius, and its Answer, on the Subject of
Reform in the Burghs of Scotland.

The writer of the letter, figned Caffius, defends the present mode
of election in the burghs of Scotland; by which the magistrates
elect one another, and the burgesses are reduced to mere cyphers in
the community. He very properly takes the fignature of Dion Caffius,
who was patronized and rewarded by the Roman emperors, under
whom he lived, for being the apologift of their tyranny; for incul-
cating paffive obedience on the people; and for writing his history in
order to establish these opinions into a system. The Answer, by a
burgess of Aberdeen, is a manly and spirited performance; and the
author discovers equal zeal and knowledge in the cause of freedom,
which he defends. A reform, in the election of burghs, has long
been in agitation among the enlightened and spirited citizens of Scot-
land ; and nothing but public fpirit and perseverance is requifite to
obtain it. It may be worth while to remark, that Aberdeen hach fet
the example, to the other counties in Scotland, of many improvements,
which have highly contributed to the power of that city, and to the
benefit of the kingdom.
Art. 24. A Reply to the Answer to a Short Esay on the Modes of

Defence best adapted to the Situation and Circumfiances of this Isand, &c. In a Letter to bis Grace the Duke of Richmond. is. 6d. Wilkie, 1785.

The author of the Reply to the Answer, who we presume to be the author of the Short Eslay, juftly observes the glaring inconfiflency of which the master-general of the ordnance is guilty, when, in his Anfwer to the Short Ebay, he charges him with misrepresentation, while, at the same time, he allows to his observations the force of demonftration. He complains, that the master-general examined his essay not fairly, but by detached fentences; and clearly convicts him of inconclusive reasoning;, and also, by an appeal to facts, and living witnesses of credit, of a dereliction, in manifold instances, of his former profesions, and avowed principles,

• If your Grace,' says our author, “would consider the Short Esay candidly and impartially, you would easily perceive, that the author admits a system of defence, both as proper, expedient, and necessary ; but he recommends one adapted to our insular situation and military establishment. Men, who have distinguished themselves in every branch of the military profession, should, and ought to be, consulted. Naval officers are undoubtedly the best judges of the practicability of landing on particular spots; they are the best judges of the nature of the coast ; how near Mips of the line, or frigates, can approach the hore, to cover and protect the landing of troops; and of the proba


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ble effects of a fire judiciously directed from batteries erected on Thore, to oppose the enemy's shipping, and to annoy the troops on their approach. General officers, who have commanded in the field, who are acquainted, by experience, both with the attack and defence of lines, should be consulted on their situation and expediency; and determine, with some degree of accuracy and precision, on the number of troops ab olutely requisite to maintain them; otherwise the Strength of our works will become relative weakness.

When a plan, combined, arranged, and methodized, in all its parts, has once been fixed on, it should be invariably and progres. fively pursued, and the uninterrupted execution fubmitted to engineers, who are certainly the best qualified for constructing the works, though their opinion should not be implicitly and exclusively adopted. No

man, I am confident, who has a sincere regard for the honour and welfare of his country, would ever with to see a matter of this imfortance solely intrufted to the control and direction of a maftergeneral, who, from party and politics, may be thrown into that fituation, by a desertion of his friends, and a dereli&tion of his principles. If this should ever be the case, we might see such a man, with mediocrity of parts, and half-educated talents, labouring to diftinguish himself, by tampering in a science he does not comprehend. and in which he has never been professionally instructed, or even derived the least knowledge from experience or service. We should see such a man puzzling himself, and perplexing others; obtruding his orn plan and system of defence, founded on whim, caprice, and presumption; and who, by indulging the native propensity of a turbu. lent, yet trifling dispoîtion, may at last mistake the restlessness of folly for the activity of genius.'

This Reply, as well as the short Effay, discover great ability in our auther, both as a military man, and as a writer. ART. 25: A Letter from a distinguished Englis Commoner to a Peer of

Ireland, on the Repeal of a part of the Penal Laws against the Irish Catholics.' . 12mo. 6d. Keating. 1785.

The author of this letter is at a loss to determine, whether it was wife, for the sake of expunging the black letter of laws, which, menacing as they were in the language, were every day fading into difuse, folemnly to re-affirm the principles, and to re-enact the provifions of a code of statutes, by which the catholics are totally excluded from the privileges of the commonwealth ; from the highest to the lowest ; from the most material of the civil professions ; from the army; and even from education, where alone education is to be had. He looks on the bill, in the abstract, as neither more nor less than • A renewed'act of universal, unmitigated, indispensable, exceptionless disqualification.

• One would imagine, that a bill, inflicting such a multitude of incapacities, had followed on the heels of a conquest, made by a very fierce enemy, under the impression of recent animosity and resentment. No man, on reading that bill, could imagine he was reading an act of amnesty and indulgence, following a recital of the good beha. viour of those who are the objects of it ; which recital food at the head of the bill, as it was first introduced : but, I suppose, from its incongruity with the body of the piece, was afterwards omitted. This I say on memory. It, however, still recites the oath, and that Catholics ought to be considered as gnod and loyal subjects to his majesty, his crown, and government: then follows an univerfal ex, clufion of those good and loyal subjects from every, even the lowest office of truft and profit, or from any vote at an election ; from any privilege in a town corporate ; from being even a freeman of such corporations; from serving on grand juries; from a vote at a vestry ; from having a gun in his houle; from being a barrister, attorney, solicitor, or, &c.


• This has surely much more the air of a table of proscription, than an act of grace. What must we suppose the laws, concerning those good subjects, to have been, of which this is a relaxation? I know well that there is a cant current about the difference between ari exclusion from employments, even to the most rigorous extent, and an exclufion from the natural benefits arising from a man's own industry. I allow, that, under fome circumstances, the difference is very måte. rial, in point of justice ; and that there are confiderations which may render it adviseable for a wise government to keep the leading parts of every branch of civil and military administration in hands of the beft truft: but a total exclusion from the commonwealth is a very different thing.-When a government subfifts, as governments formerly did, on an estate of its own, with but few and inconsiderable revenues drawn from the fubject, then the few offices which subfifted were naturally at the disposal of those who paid the salaries out of their own pockets; and there an exclusive preference could hardly me. rit the name of proscription : almost the whole produce of a man's induttry remained in his own purse to maintain his family. When a very great portion of the labour of individuals goes to the state, and is by the state again refunded to individuals through the medium of offices; and in this circuitous progress, from the public to the private tund, indemnifies the families from whom it is taken, an equitable balance between the government and the subject is established. Buť if a great body of the people, who contribute to this state lottery, are excluded from all the prizes, the stopping the circulation, with regard to them, must be a molt cruel hard'hip, amounting, in effect, to being double and treble taxed, and will be felt as such, to the very quick, by all the families, high and low, of those hundreds of thousands who are denied their chance in the returned fruits of their own industry. This is the thing meant by those who look on the public revenue only as a spoil; and will naturally wish to have as few as poslible concerned in the division of the booiy. If a state should be 10 unhappy as to think it cannot fubfist without such a barbarous proicription, the persons fo proscribed ought to be indemnified by the remission of a large part of their taxes ; by an immunity from the offices of public burden; and by an exemption from being pressed into any military or naval service.'

This gentleman writes with ability and moderation; and representa the injuries and hardships inflicted 'Atill by the protestants on the catholics, the great body of the people of Ireland, with ustness, clearnels, and energy

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ART. 26. Opposition Politics exemplified. By the Editor of the Beast

ties of Fox, North, and Burke. 8vo. 15. 6d. Stockdale. 1786.

The compiler of this colle&tion from the newfpapers, after making various trite observations on the nature of the British constitution, and of parties and factions, affirms, that ' the end of the leaders of opposition is merely to get into power ; and their means are the various arts of circumvention; continual fault-finding in parliament; and constant circulation through the country of fictions, mifrepresentations, and detraction of every kind. The monthly pamphlet circulates within a circumference too narrow to do sufficient mischief, at whatever expence to the dukes this circulation is peformed. The diurnal papers convey the poison, through every vein of the state, much more effectually. And the Morning Herald is selected for its satire; while the Gazetteer is employed for its audacity of falsehood, and contempt of shame. It is from these two papers that the following examples of opposition politics are, therefore, taken ; the firft column, in the following pages, contains the factions paragraphs; the opposite column points the facticus purpose : it is from a comparison of the whole, that the opposition politics are exemplified :

* And

judge, by the pernicious fruit, the tree: If aught, for which so loudly they declaim, Religion, laws, and freedom, were their aimi"

The fruit produced in the specimens before us, is, indeed, for the most part, sour, rotten, nauícous, and unwholesome : but does it wholly grow on the tree of opposition ? Is any party, faction, or denomination of men, refponfible for the false, and futile, and foolish fcribbling of unlettered and unprincipled volunteers in their service ? The paragraphs produced in this publication are not certainly all of them published at the instigation, or even with the privity and ap. probation, of the LEADERS of opposition, however they may be applauded by their weak partizans. The engine of barefaced falsehood, however it may be sharpened and pointed, recoils, at the long tun, against those who use it. Nor is there the least merit in saying Cutting things againit men in public office, when they are not founded in truth, any more than there is wit in retailing JOE MILLER'S jefts. It is an easy matter to ransack the writings of the most eloquent partymen, and keen fatyrists, of former times; and to apply affertions, concerning other men, and other times, to the present. Opposition, therefore, must be very weak indeed, if they countenance such mi. serable attempts to support their cause. Art. 27. 'Tis All my Eye. Addressed to Archibald Macdonald, Esq.

By a Gentleman of Lincoln's-Inn. 8vo. is. Wilkie, 1786.

The author of this. pamphlet thinks that it would be much better to prevent the commission of crimes, than to punish offenders. He is not for creating new jurisdictions, nor for enlarging any inferior

The old English laws are good enough for our author, and would, he thinks, if well enforced, be found to answer all the good



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