from the majesty of his nature he fcorns their weak and foolish attempts.

The editor has in different places ventured an anonymous paragraph, which we may fairly prefume to be of his own compofition, and of which it may be faid, that they neither do their author credit or difcredit.

ART. IV. The Beauties of the British Senate: Taken from the Debates of the Lords and Commons, from the Beginning of the Adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, to the End of the Second Seffion of the Adminiftration of the Right Hon. William Pitt: Being an impartial Selection of, or faithful Extracts from, the most eminent Speeches delivered in the Courfe of a most important and truly interefting Period of more than fifty Years; feverally arranged under their respective Heads, with the Names of the Members to whom they are afcribed annexed thereto. To which is prefixed the Life of Sir Robert Walpole. Two Volumes, 8vo. 1 s. boards. Stockdale. 1786. London.

THE

'HE hacknied name of Beauties, and the uncommon clumfinefs of the title-page, difpofe us beforehand to entertain an opinion that the editor of this collection from the parliamentary debates is not diftinguifhed by fuperior tafte and judgment. This prejudice is confirmed by a perufal of the collection, in which, with many excellent orations, the dulleft and most infipid, and even the most childish, are interfperfed. This pofition we would prove by a multitude of inftances, if we did not think it indelicate, and even unjuft, to exhibit very respectable characters in the light of fimple orators, when, perhaps, they never entertained the ambition of having their fpeeches made public: did they publifh, as Mr. Burke and Governor Johnstone, and others do, their own fpeeches, they would be amenable to public criticifin. As they are dragged. into print by newfmongers, compilers, and bookfeilers, it would be unfair to decide concerning their merits, either as orators or ftatefmen. But of the hiftory of the reports of parliamentary debates we have already given a fketch in our review of Mr. Woodfall's report of the debates in the Irish parliament, on the fubject of the commercial regulations.

Many of the members of parliament, we understand, now write their own fpeeches: and, as there is a progrefs in every thing, this custom will undoubtedly become daily more and more prevalent. Hence many important confequences will arife to the state of fociety, and to government. It is plain, to any person who has been accustomed to attend the debates in parliament, that there is, especially in the SPEAKER of the House of Commons, (we do not mean Mr. Cornwall, but

R 3

every

every speaker) and all who are moft zealous for the ufages, privileges, and dignity of parliament, a very great jealousy of the reports of the debates in newspapers. They are eager to fhew, on every occafion, how little credit is due to fuch reports; and how unparliamentary it is to allude to them. But the anxiety of members to correct the mistakes of the reporters, both in the newfpapers, and viva voce in parliament, is a proof that thofe reports are not, by any means, objects of indifference. And, as the practice of members of parlia ment writing their own fpeeches gains ground, the reports of the debates will gain more and more credit, as they will be more and more authentic. Members will become as folicitous to approve what they say to the public, by means of the press, as they are now to draw over majorities in parliament to their opinions. Every bill, and whatever else relates to the business of parliament, is now printed; and every thing of note, that is faid in parliament, is alfo printed, and, by means of the press, circulated over the whole empire. The power of the prefs is already great, and, it would feem, has not yet reached its full extent. This afpect of affairs is favourable, in the highest degree, to liberty. By means of the prefs there is a constant appeal to the people themselves from those who represent them in parliament.

It is usual for fome people, faid Sir Robert Walpole, in the year 1734, to make motions, rather to fix unpopular things on others, than to have any information for themselves: they make motions in order to make a figure in the votes, which are fent to all parts of the nation. What would Sir Robert say, were he now to rife from his grave, and see whole newspapers, magazines, &c. &c. filled almoft with nothing else than the debates of parliament !

It is obvious, to every reader of any tafte or difcernment, that the speeches in this collection, which are firft in the order of time, are alfo, on the whole, the firft in order of merit. The fpeeches that were made in the laft reign, and in the beginning of this, are, in general, beyond all comparison, more nervous, claffical, and pointed, than thofe that have been made, or at least that have been published, within the last ten or twelve years. Whether this is owing to the speakers, or to the reporters, we fhall not determine. In former times fpeeches were dreffed up, by men of taffe and genius, in the clofet; now they are given to the public, on the fpur of occafion, with vaft rapidity, at great length, and with a confiderable degree, and, in fome publications, with a wonderful degree of accuracy. Formerly the publishers of the speeches in parHament improved their fubjects; now they adhere more lite

rally

rally to the truth, and, for that reason, present a lefs finished picture to the reader.

It deferves alfo to be remarked, that, in the laft reign, there were not, by any means, so many speakers in parliament as there are at prefent; and alfo, that the speakers of those times were more ftudious than they are now of brevity. It is true, also, that all speeches were not then, as they are now, published indiscriminately, but those only of the most eminent fpeakers.

The fpeeches, in the collection before us, are arranged under the following heads, in alphabetical order. Addrefs to the Throne; Anecdote; Attack; American Affairs; Army; Bribery; Civil Lift; Commerce and Revenue; Defence; Eloquence; Eaft India Affairs; Freedom of Election; Humour ; Liberty of the Subject; Peace; Parliamentary Reform; Remarkable fayings; Satire; Simile; Taxation; Tumults and Riots; War; Wit.-On all thefe fubjects fome excellent fpeeches are collected: but the compiler has neglected to introduce others of equal, if not, in fome inftances, of fuperior excellence, while he has tarnished his compilation, and reflected difgrace, as far as fuch a compiler can reflect disgrace, on our parliament, by representing nonsense, abfurdity, dull and farfetched attempts at wit, and mere common-place obfervations, and other deformities, as beauties; and The Beauties, too; as if these were the greateft, or the only beauties of the British fenate.

Agreeably to what we have already obferved concerning the unfairness of criticifing the fpurious and unauthenticated productions that are afcribed to different fpeakers, we fhall forbear to prove, by examples, the miserable taste and judgment of our compiler. Under the head of Tumults and Riots, the only fpeech given is one of Lord Carteret's, 1737; although it is univerfally confeffed, that never was a speech more luminous, more convincing, more affecting, more furprising, or more seasonable, than that made in the Houfe of Peers by Lord Mansfield, when a motion was made, or at least a ques tion was started, concerning an act of indemnity to those minifters, and officers, and foldiers, who quelled what is commonly called Lord George Gordon's mob, in 1780. If our compiler had poffeffed a larger fhare of difcernment, he would have been fenfible, that, to lay before his readers the fentiments of great men of different periods, on fimilar fubjects, is what would naturally, above all other things, be expected in fuch a publication as that under review.

It will be proper to exemplify, by an inftance or two, what we have advanced concerning the comparative merit of the printed fpeeches of the laft, and thofe of the prefent reign.

R 4

The

The Duke of Argyle, on the subject of the infolence of the Spaniards, on the 23d of Feb. 1739, delivered his fentiments as follows:

My lords, as I neither fpeak from pamphlets nor papers, I can. not precifely tell your lordships how long I fhall trouble you on this occafion; it is an affair of as great importance, I will venture to fay, as ever came before this house, I have, my lords, employed a great deal of my time in endeavouring to form a right judgment of it. I have examined it without prejudice; I have endeavoured to find fomething in it that might be juftified; I have viewed it, my lords, in all the beft lights it was capable of; but ftill, my lords, the more I confider, the more I view it, the more difgraceful, the more deformed, does this convention appear.

⚫ I have known, my lords, I have read of measures of this kind, that were, indeed, generally disliked by the people, and were dif advantageous to the nation; but ftill, my lords, the minifters who carried on and concluded fuch measures had fomething to say in their juftification. The weakness of the nation, the conveniency of trade, the strength of our neighbours, or fome confideration of that kind, was always pleaded as an excufe: and fometimes, though a treaty was, in the main, disagreeable or dishonourable to the nation, yet there were certain particular clauses, fome advantages ftipulated, which, if they did not balance, served at leaft to excufe the reft. But, my lords, this convention is not only difagreeable to every body without doors, but it does not contain one article that can be wrested to have fo much as a favourable aspect for this nation. To what, my lords, can this be owing? Is it owing to the weakness of the nation? Not at all: this nation is not weak; fhe has strength fuffi. cient to crufh that power that crufshes her. If fhe is poor, my lords, the government feels none of it; for our minifters are as largely fupplied with treasure as those minifters were, under whom this nation made the power, that now infults us, to tremble. Our troops, my lords, are more numerous, better clothed than thofe troops were, who once conquered this infolent neighbour, and filled her throne. with a monarch of our own making. I fee many lords here, who, I am fure, remember thofe glorious times; and if, my lords, at that time, any one had ventured to foretel that this nation would foon be reduced to the neceffity of negociating, for the fpace of eighteen or twenty years, to obtain fuch a treaty as this is, was there a man in the whole nation that would have believed him?

Have our minifters, my lords, ought to plead in favour of this measure, because it is for the convenience of trade? My lords, every body, who understands what trade is, knows, that if this convention is approved of by parliament, our trade must be irretrievably ruined.

Can it be pleaded, my lords, that our enemies are fo ftrong, that we ought, in policy, to yield a little to their rumours? No; our enemies are weak; they are ftrong only in our fears. We, my lords, are masters of that element whereon the cause must be decided; and let all our enemies, either profeffed or fecret, nay, let all the

neutral

t

neutral powers in Europe unite their naval force, we have a fleet now at sea that is able to beat them all. But, my lords, do we behave as if we had any fuch fuperiority? Have we fo much as afferted the honour of the British flag? Have we not tamely given it up: given it up without the leaft reason, so far as appears to the world? What the reasons of our minifters may be, my lords, for this pufillanimity, I am entirely ignorant; and as I am ignorant, I am innocent; for, my lords, though I am a privy counsellor, I am as unacquainted with the fecrets of the government as any private gentleman who hears me.'

This fpeech may be confidered as an exhortation to war: The following by the Earl of Chatham, delivered January 20th, 1775, is an exhortation of another kind.

'There are two things which ministry have laboured to deceive the people in, and have perfuaded them to; fiift, that it was an affair of Bofton only, and that the very appearance of one fingle regiment there would quiet every thing.

I have foretold the falfehood of both; I was converfant with that country more years, perhaps, than any man; I knew the caufe of Boston would be made the cause of America; I knew the mode of the military would not be effectual.

The manner of proceeding against Bofton, was a profcription of a people unheard;-unheard in any court, either in the common courts of justice, or the higher, of parliament, in both of which, evidence of facts are ftated in proof of criminality; but the Americans were denied to be heard. The people of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to refist.

By whofe advice vindictive counsels were purfued-by whofe advice false representations were made-by whofe advice malice and illwill were made principles of governing a free people; all these are queftions that will be asked. I mean no perfonal charge on any man further than his mifdoings call for.

There ought to be fome inftant proceeding towards a fettlement before meeting of the delegates. My object is to put the foot on the threshold of peace, and to fhow an intention of reconciling; I will, unless I am fixed to a fick bed-I will attend this business throughout, till I fee America obtain what I think fatisfaction for her injuries-ftill attentive that she shall own the fupremacy of this country.

• It would be my advice to his majefty to end this quarrel the foonet poffible; his repofe is our duty. Who by mif-advice had planted a thorn in his fide, by a contest with a people determined on their purpofe?

I wish to offer myfelf, mean as I am-I have a plan, a plan of a fettlement; folid, honourable, and lafting.

America means only to have fafety in property and perforial li berty. These and thefe only were her object. Independency was falfely charged on her.

1 disclaim all metaphyfical diftinctions.

The declaratory act leaves you a right to take their money when you please.