more durable and permanent than brafs or marble, let him quiet the apprehenfions of all the intelligent and provident inhabitants of the kingdom, and give a fresh circulation to induftry, by making it the object of his miniftry to diminish the public debts. Such a magnificent and beneficial undertaking is more fuited to a youthful mind than to a veteran in politics; and its extreme difficulty will only render it a more defirable object to that true ambition which is connected with public fpirit. The experience of former times is fufficient to convince us, that, from the indolence, interestedness, and improvidence of statesmen, who feldom act but from the preffure of the moment, fuch a confummation, though devoutly to be wifhed for, unlefs fome extraordinary power be exerted, will be forwarded by a reluctant hand, and advance by flow degrees.

PUBLIC DEBT.

Since the period that we had first recourfe to the pernicious expedient of perpetual funding, the reduction of the public debt in times of peace has never borne any proportion to its accumulation in times of war. On the last day of December, 1697, the debts of great Britain amounted to twenty-one millions and fomewhat more than a half. In four years, five millions of it was paid off; a greater reduction than has ever fince been brought about in fo fhort a period of time.

The war which began in 1702 was concluded by the treaty of Utrecht; and on the 31st of December, 1714, the public debts amounted to fifty-three millions and nearly 700,000 pounds. By the fubfcription into the South Sea fund, they increafed two millions more. The reduction of that debt began in 1723; and, during a profound peace of feventeen years, the whole fum paid off was only eight millions.

When the Spanish war which began in 1739, and the French war, which foon followed, were concluded by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, the public debts amounted to feventy-eight millions. The nation enjoyed seven years peace; but, even under the prudent and patriotic administration of Mr. Pelham, lefs than fix millions was paid off.

In 1764, after the conclufion of the former war, the public debt amounted to one hundred and thirty-nine millions and a half. On the 5th of January, 1775, the public debt amounted to one hundred and twenty-nine millions; fo that the whole debt paid off, during a profound peace of eleven years, amounted to ten millions.

Our intention in this sketch has been to give the reader an idea of the amazing disproportion between the debts contracted in war, and the fums paid off in the times of peace. Much lefs than a million a year, communibus annis, is all that has been discharged of the national debt, in the most profperous and peaceable times. From experiments in politics we reafon with a degree of certainty, as well as from experiments in phyfics, that, if nothing extraordinary or preterna. tural intervenes, the future will correfpond to the past.

The furplus of the revenues of the prefent year has not corref ponded to the expectations of the nation. But allowing the profperity of the country to continue, and the calculation of the mi

nifter

nifter to be juft; allowing the annual furplus of a million of the public revenue over the public expenditure; what are we to expect from a plan which requires twenty-eight years to bring it to fuch maturity as confiderably to diminish the national debt? This nation never has enjoyed, and, from our natural and unavoidable rivalship with France, never can enjoy, twenty-eight years of peace.

To talk of a fund facred, unalienable, and folely to be devoted to this purpose, is to speak the language of inexperience. Mr. Pitt is not immortal as a man, much lefs as a minifter One parliament can undo what another parliament has done. A new miniftry will be proud as well as happy to overturn the fine fpun schemes and projects of their predeceffors; and, in the event of a war, the hand of adminiftration will immediately lay hold of this facred and unalienable fund, to carry on the operations of government. The people will confent with pleasure to be lightened of a prefent load; the additional expences will be raised by the old practice of funding, and new burdens be laid upon the fhoulders of posterity,

IMPEACHMENT OF GOVERNOR HASTINGS.

From the indefatigable affiduity with which the charges against Mr. Haftings have been published in the course of this month, the general attention is obviously engroffed by our affairs in India. And these are become of too much confequence in the aggregate of our national credit and refources; too interefting, from the prodigious patronage they involve; and too seriously connected with the characters and fortunes of a large and respectable body of individuals; not to make an impreffion in proportion as they are known. But, though we allow to Mr. Burke the merit of commanding the public attention to a vaft body of facts, which might otherwise have escaped obfervation; the colouring they neceffarily affume, from the purpofe for which they are stated; the forcible and specious manner in which they are put, by means of a fuperior elocution; and a variety of alleviating circumstances, which could not be coupled with direct unqualified accufations; are circumftances which our readers ought not to omit, in deciding fo important a queftion.

Far from wishing, in any degree, to anticipate that defence which Mr. Haftings will certainly produce, in whatever flage of the bufinefs it is moft proper, we are anxious, only from an impartial re. gard to the credit of candid inquiry and public juftice, that no violent opinions fhould be prematurely entertained on either fide; that charges thus ferious and important should not be admitted without the clearest évidence; and that, for want of due confideration, the mere appearance may not be fubftituted for the reality of guilt.

Malice prepenfe, in law, in equity, and in common fenfe, invalidates the most plaufible accufations. Many, who are altogether neuter in the iffue, concur with others in opinion, that pique is not the least active principle in this impeachment. The circumstances are numerous, and of great variety, which have rendered the admi. nistration of Governor Haftings a fubject of much altercation. It might be deemed rash to affirm that all the imputations, with which his political conduct in that fituation of high truft and refponfibility is Joaded, have no other foundation than perfonal animofity; but that

no

no feelings of this kind have been indulged, or intermingled themfelves with the statement which has been made, few, even of Mr. Burke's friends, will pofitively alledge. Suppofing the whole affair to originate in the immaculate fource of modern patriotifm; the paffionate language in which it was frequently menaced, and the many violent unqualified attacks made on Mr. Hastings, where it was not in his power to reply, exafperated his adherents, and tempted them to defend him in fuch a torrent of invective as must have put a much greater ftoic than Mr. Burke out of temper. Provoked or galled by his adversaries, he folemnly pledged himfelf to the Houfe of Commons, to the nation, and even to God, that he would impeach Mr. Haftings. Thus circumftanced, a man of much stronger nerves and with fenfibilities lefs irritable might have been precipitated into measures, which, on cool, deliberate, and unbiaffed reflection, he would himself have been the first to condemn.

The decifion of this point is rendered peculiarly delicate by the different manner in which it feems to affect the two parties, who at prefent divide the nation. Such is the bias which mislead the minds of most men, so ftrangely are they warped by intereft, influence or attachment of one kind or other, that all questions, adopted with violence or urged with obftinacy by either, come before the public in a very questionable fhape. It is at least not difficult to penetrate the views of oppofition in, the impeachment of Mr. Haftings. They owe such disappointment to the prefent ministry and parliament as will not foon be forgiven. An idea has been induftriously propagated, that the riches of India have deluged and corrupted the British fenate, and that the prefent majority in the Houfe of Commons owes a confiderable portion of its ftrength to the creatures of the Company, or the flaves of Mr. Haftings. Prefuming, therefore, that the politics of government are interefted in the protection of Mr. Haftings, the ftigma of conniving with fuch enormities as are in charge against him is eagerly expected by the party.

Much, undoubtedly, depends on the evidence by which these charges are fupported. Allowances, however, ought to be made. for that artful colouring with which many of the facts are certainly detailed. Strong language, bold affertions, fpecious furmife, fophiftical reafoning, and even plaufible inferences, or the most ingenious conftructions, are altogether diftin&t from plain, direct and unequivocal proof. There is hardly any thing charged, which has not already undergone an open and minute difcuffion. The papers in reference are, in many inftances, as equivocal as voluminous: And the matters at iffue are at least as ftrongly denied by one party as they are affirmed by the other. Moft people have even made up their minds on the cafes of Cheit Sing, Shaw Allum, the royal family and country of Oude, the Rana of Ghod, the Rohilla and Marratta war, which are by far the blackeft and moft formidable in the catalogue.

But this is not all. Though the charges were fubftantiated beyond the poffibility of cavil, how are they to be applied or brought home to Mr. Haftings? Was he not empowered with the fole right of pronouncing on the ftate of affairs thus fubmitted to his management; and accommodating his measures according to the refult of that judgment, whatever it was, whether properly or improperly formed? And may not many of the outrages, which he is faid to have perpe

trated,

*

trated, be defended on this general principle, that the diseases of the body politic, as well as of the natural body, often make it neceffary to facrifice a part for the whole. However the validity of the charges fhould be determined, it will still be competent to inquire into the extent of that refponfibility under which the late governorgeneral acted; how far the individuals employed in the execution of his measures may be deemed answerable for their own mifconduct; and what are the fpecific nature of all thofe various contingencies, which, in an adminiftration fo fingularly extenfive and complicated as that of India, are inevitable.

Thus, in forming an opinion of the nature, neceffity and confe quences of that folemn impeachment which is now in process before the British parliament, the public would do well to confider maturely, the temper in which it has originated, the political effect it is intended to produce, the truth of the articles committed, and their relevancy to couftitute a criminal accufation.

THE UNITED PROVINCES.

Some events in hiftory are inftructing, and fome extremely diverting. Towards the clofe of the last century, when the Grand Monarque ftretched forth a bold arm to conquer the Dutch, and fubvert their republic, they formed the magnanimous refolution to abandon Holland, and explore an afylum for liberty in their fettlements in India. Who could have predicted that, in little more than half a century, they would court the alliance of the French king; fubmit their freedom to a tyrant; and kifs the hand that is raised to crush the vitals of their conftitution? The monarch of France was looked upon by their grandfathers, and even by their fathers, as the beast with the Jeven heads and the ten horns, foretold in the Revelations; and the children fall down and worship him! The magiftrates of Holland burning a portrait of King William, and inviting a company of French comedians to their city, reminds us of a favourite idea of Bishop Butler's, that nations, like individuals, are subject to fits of frenzy and lunacy; and of the old obfervation, " Quos Deus vult perdere prius dementat." A reftlefs and intriguing nation, by infinuating their fentiments and introducing their manners among the Dutch, are preparing the way for their fubjection; while the infatuated people accelerate their own deftruction, and, like a bird charmed, fall fpontaneously into the mouth of the ferpent. Nothing can be more truly ludicrous than the new metamorphofis that will take place; mynheer transformed into monfieur; a Dutch frow into a French madame; Nic Frog and Lewis Baboon walking hand-in hand, and fmelling at the fame nofegay, like the two kings of Brentford! Baotia and Batavia, the Thevans and the Dutch, bear a near refemblance to one another. The former were the dulleft, the ftupideft, and the most interested people of antiquity; as the latter are in modern times, Thebes gave birth to Pelopidas and Epaminondas; Holland produced the De Wits. Bæotia could boaft of a Pindar; Batavia of an Erafmus and a Grotius. In fome things, however, the parallel fails. The former refifted the progrefs of the king of Macedon with as much zeal as the latter difcovered in forwarding the prog cís of the French tyrant. It must be mentioned, too, to the nor our of the

Thebans,

Thebans, that, fatisfied with their own grofs, fubftantial, and comfortable vices, they never imitated the levity of the Athenians, nor introduced among them the buffooneries of Ariftophanes.

SCOTLAND.

The great object of Scottish patriots for forty years paft, next to ferving themselves and their friends, has been to monopolize the pri vilege of shooting partridges and moor-fowl, and to give liberty to the highlanders to expofe their bare pofteriors to the north wind. But, as nearly the half of the Scotch members of parliament are at prefent on the fide of oppofition, those who are in power will be under the neceffity of doing beneficial and popular actions, in order to preferve their influence and character in the country. The augmentation of the falaries of the judges in the Court of Seffion, while their numbers are preferved, will add to the dignity of the bench, and give fatisfaction to the nation. Government will find it neceffary to give every pof. fible encouragement to the fisheries, as being the beft nursery for feamen. Since improvements first began in Scotland, which was about the year 1745, they have been carried on with rapidity. In point of elegance and tafte, Edinburgh is likely foon to become the second city in the British dominions.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

The final blow was given to the long and violent oppofition to the law of patronage, in the laft general affembly. The rejection of the overture for confulting the landed intereft on this question, by a decided ma jority, has put an end to ecclefiaftical controverfy, and restored peace to the church. This great victory of fenfe over nonsense, of reason and order over fanaticifm and licentiousness, has been obtained partly by the progress of knowledge and literature among the people, but chiefly by the heroic efforts of the moderate party, who from a principle of real patriotism and philanthropy, unknown to any order of priefts fince the creation of the world, have fought the battles of their country, and fupported the cause of rational and liberal religion, againft the pernicious and inveterate prejudices of the people, and at the expence of their own reputation, popularity, and intereft. The oppofite parties are now approximating; the odium theologicum will wear away, and peace and cordiality be univerfally eftablifhed. Delivered from the evil spirit of theological faction, the minifters of the apoftically pure and poor church of Scotland will difplay the fervidum ingenium of their country in calmer and more elegant occupations, and devote their time and talents to edify their flocks, to cultivate literature, and to kifs their wives. From the bush ceafing to burn, the tree of knowledge may arife and enrich the world with its fruits.

* The burning bush is the enfign armorial of the church of Scotland.

Communications for THE ENGLISH REVIEW are requested to be fent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet-ftreet, London, where Subfcribers for this Monthly Performance are refpectfully defired to give in their Names,