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• It is natural to aferibe this circumstance, in fome tieasure, to the discovery of America, and the great increase of specie in confequence of that event; and it is not to be doubted, that such are increase must have enabled modern nations to pay with
fas cility, the demands of their respective governments.'
Our author himself corrects this mistake in page 139, when he says, “ After the discovery of America, fpecie : “ became every day more plentiful in every part of Eu
rope. And the consequence was, sucli an addition to as the price of all commodities, as rendered the fame reve
nue much less efficient than formerly."
Mr. Sinclair, if the present publication should meet with a favourable reception, proposes to attempt a third part containing a history of the progress of the national revenue together with some observations on its present state -An historical account of the progress of our national expences-Observations on the resources of the nation An analysis of our public debts, and an inquiry into the seal nature and amount of the burthen-A plan for reestablishing the public credit and finances of the country ; together with some account of the progress and present ftate of the revenue of Scotland and Ireland.
Art. XI. The Crisis; or immediate Concernments of the British
Empire. Dilly. is. 6d. 1785. THE juvenile author of this collection of political maxime
and observations, makes an excursion over the world without regard to any method in his progress. He is not unaquainted with history, nor the nature and actual state of commerce. In tlie empaffioned, bouncing, and almost bombaft ftile of fome French writers on politics be delivers many truths which are not the less important indeed for being obvious; but which are generally known to every person who attends at all to what has passed or is now passing in the world. “ We mean not, says this writer to collect the principles of political life merely within the heart of the empire, but to diffuse them over its moft diftant members. For to prove serviceable to mankind, is a condition of our nature, which is coeval with our birth, and terminates but with our existence. It is a national duty. It is an univerfal debt. It is a godlike occupation, in which the divinity hath instruct. ed us." Thus the author of the Crifis in his outlet; and in his conclusion, he expresses himselfin this manner.
Thus have we laboured for the good of mankind. To whose bedefic and use, intelligence was consecrated by the divinity himself. If our ardoar hath been high, we plead youth? if our zeal hath been excelsive ; judges ! before whole tribunal we bow, your happinels
was our object: we fubmit ourselves to your reproaeh. Our course hath-been though an extensive horizon, and we have not been able to reit, but merely to touch, on the summit of objects. Some more powerful and comprehensive minds may explore more deeply, and work out accomplished ends from those and such other weak beginners. For it is from streams that the ocean derives its depth; it is from minute particles that mountains rife into magnificence; from atoms, that the universe culleets its greatness.
The reader would doubtless form no high idea of the body of the work from such an introduction and fuch a peroration. Yet are there in the Crisis, amidst much vanity and bombaft, very many juft observations delivered in a very sprightly manner.
“ Britain should confider that ships bring in men and money, advancing population and increasing circulation; whereas fortified walls require men and nioney, waste both, and consume provisions : yet the latter is the absurd system of the day! money is not wealth to Britain, it is but the sign of that reality which is constituted by agriculture and manufactures : and in a commercial nation, this fign, with out the reality, is a symptom of death." There is profound trurh in this lively obfervation, our young author was led to make it from reflecting on the East India Trade; a tradte whose principles are cruelty, fraud, and cunning.
“When virtue and honour are sacrificed for the acquisition of wealth in order to fupport prodigality, or to indulge in diffipation. When foidters become merchants, relinquishing the principles of war for fyftems of cruelty and avarice. When the honour of their prófelhon is humbled by thofe who should maintain it, and all its glory is bartered for gold. Through the medium of this commerce, does *luxury breathe its baneful influence on us. Like whirlwinds that rifle one place, and raise heaps in another, fortunes are as quickly collected in the eart, and as quickly diffipated in Europe. Those important plunderers corrupt us with luxury and cruelty. Example abforbs the rich within liccntioufnets, and encourages the desperate to rapaciousness. For there is the resort of the desperate, and the unprincipled part of mankind; who having accumulated treasure, and standing indebted to their vices for their acquifitions, return, as avenging pestilences sent to blast the nation, that protects them in their fins,
This young man wants not either genits, or reading, or obfervation. In what then is he deficient? In that
and manly style which is usually formed only by a classical edueation, and the corrections of just criticism. Art. XII. A Reply to the Treasury Pamphlet, Entitled “The
Propofed System of Ireland explained." London, 25. Debret, 1785. IT is the opinion of the spirited and well informed
author of this publication that administration endeavours to fix the imputation of fadtion on all oppofition to their mea
sures, and in this manner to get rid of the neceffity of answering the objections of their advet faries. But the public voice; in opposition to tlie Commercial Regula** tions” becamie too loud to be slighted with safety ; it therefore was necessary to give some more plausible answer to the objections that multiplied from every quarter, than that they only exifted in the clamours and inflammatory publications of factious incendiaries, whose only object was to throw, difficulties in the way of government. But our au. thor however affirms, that they have only advanced one Itep farther in their own way. Under the pretext of ina forming, they are trying, he says, to mislead and deceive.
It must be owned that he has in many instances exposed the futility of the reasoning in the pamphlet he diffects; and prediés with too much appearance of probability many bad consequences from that commercial system which it is its object to vindicate.
The author of the pamphlet attempts to prove the necefity, the justice, and the fairness of the new arrangements. To prove these he pleads the independence of Ireland. If reduced into form, says the author of the reply, his reasoning would stand thus.
Ireland is independent, therefore it is necessary, just, and fairz. that the British market should be thrown open to her, free and without reserve, and that she should feed our consumption as well with our own colonial productions and foreign commodities, as with all articles of her own growth, product, and manufacture. Either the introduction of the independence of Ireland into the question means this, or it means nothing—But if independence in itself constitutes a claim to the right, why is not every other independent kingdom to apply for it? Is it because Ireland, as the author pretends, notwithîtanding this independence, voluntarily restrains herself in many inItances in favour of Great-Britain ? But fo do other independent nations--fo would any nation with whom we might form a commercial treaty, and stipulate a preference for articles of our importation
in return for other commercial advantages granted on our part: The independence of Ireland, therefore, having nothing to do with the argument, could only have been dragged in for party purposes, that this zealous friend of Ireland might have an opportunity of casting a reflection on the administration that ratified this indes pendence.'
Speaking of the positions and inferences which the author of the treasury pamphlet urges in proof of the charge which he infinuates against Lord North, of having rendered the prefent arrangement necessary and unavoidable, he says,
Taking the argument on the ground that Mr. Orđe, and the Ministers choose to place it in Ireland, and estimating the boon at its real value, the reasoning will be this :-“ You have given me. “ much; I have therefore a right to your giving me nxore,
" have given me a great deal; it therefore follows that you mould
give me all.”
The author of the pamphlet acknowledges, that in the mixed woollens, Ireland has already made great advances towards a competition with this countrv. But this the author assures us, is of no great consequence, as it is a less valuable branch of the trade than the manufacture of the finer cloths. By less valuable as he tells us, he means that one costs fourteen shillings a yard, the other only two fhillings and fix-pence. By this rule, as our author justly obferves in a note, the manufacture of fine woollen cloth is more valuable to Ireland than her linens, as the gets twelve Shilings a yard for the one, and in general, but from two Thillings to five thillings for the other.
On the system of trade intended to be established between Great-Britain and Ireland, our author among a great variety of others makes the following important obfervations.
While a dangerous competition is thus to be encouraged in the home markets, effe&ual care has been taken by the negociators from Ireland, that we should not indemnify ourselves, by opening any fresh vent for our woollens in the markets abroad. Germany, who has no other return to make for our woollen cloths, but her linens, and who has ever been desirous to encourage, this and every other British manufacture, on terms of reciprocity, is by the provisions of the new regulations to be for erer postponed to Ireland. No offer on her part, however tempting or advantageous to our interest, can be received by us ; the Irish linens are to continue duty free for ever, and an effectual preference is to be secured to them over the linens of every other country.
• Ruffia, whose partiality to the British interest and British manufactures held out such prospects of commercial advantages to this country, has been already compelled, by our impolitic regulations in favour of Irish linens, to lay oppreilive imports upon several of our most valuable articles of export. This disadvantage, which might have been only temporary, the intended fyftem is to render perpetual.
What is here observed, respecting the woollen and linen manufactures, is equaily applicable to every article of our commerce with foreign states. The consequences of the ninth resolution extend to them all, and must prove as humiliating in our independence, as they will be destructive to our interests. From the momont we bind ourselves to the terms of this agrcement, we canno, ftipulate a fingle advantage in the market of any other nation; we cannot form a treaty of commerce with any other state ; we cannot provide for our revenue, by laying the mallest duty on any articie of future importation, without previously consulting the Pare liainent of Ireland. In thort, we are to submit to an adoption of a new Poyning's law, and to wear the fame Thackles on our commercial independence, which Ireland so long wore in her legislative ca.; ExG. REV. 1785,
pacity. This the author and his friends may say is reciprocito; but of this, or of any of the great points to which these reflections lead, he takes not the smallest notice. Indeed, this is but one of the numberless proofs he gives of his pamphlet's being the production, not of any person who has any interest in protecting the trade, or any duty in defending the revenue of Great-Britain, but of some advos cate for the claims of Ireland, who is to keep out of fight whatever may operate against the side on which he is to argue.
From these extracts our readers will readily conclude, with our author, that there may be other reasons for calling in question the conduct of ministers, than those of clamour and faction.
Art. XIII. A Plan for finally settling the Government of Ireland
upon Constitutional Principles : And the chief cause of the una prosperous State of that Country explained. Stockdale is. 6d.
1785 THE 'HE author of this plan, who is a person of extensive
information, having given a concife history of the connection between Great Britain and Ireland, observes that a new compact ought to be made and eftablished between them as foon as possible. The three great objects of this compact, or conftitutional connection between the two kingdoms, are, an equality of interests, an equality of privileges, and an unity of power. The two first of these objects he thinks already in a great measure provided for; but the unity of power, or unity of defence with Great-Britain remains unsettled. As this implies the obligations that Ireland is under in common with Great Britain, to take upon her a proportionable share of the public burthens, he proposes a plan by which, on the most conftitutional principles, Ireland may acquit herself of those obligations without one farthing of additional expence in the aggregate; nay, by making an annual saving of 100,00ol. which is now drawn out of the country. The most constitutional supply, he thinks, that Ireland can yield to the common defence of the empire, and likewise the most advantageous to herself, is, a land-tax, to be rated always according to the rate of the land-tax of England, and never to be expended out of the kingdom.
• As the modern British Constitution differs effentially from the ancient, that difference muft neceffarily be adverted to in forming the new Constitution between the two nations ; and when adverted to, points out in the plaincit manner, and with the strongest evidence, to the proper contitutional tre, which would leave the two legislatures distinct, where they ought to be distinct, and unite them where they ought to be united. The Parliament of Ireland allows to the Parliament of Great Britain a fupremacy in one point, pamely, that the person whoin the Parliament of Great Britain