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acknowledges as Sovereign, shall be, ipso facto, Sovereign of Ireland. Now this single point would have been quite sufficient for a unity of power and strength, if to the office of King all those prerogatives had continued annexed, which were annexed to it by the old Constitution'; for by that Constitution the land proprietors of both kingdoms were bound to military services equally, as well as the merchants of both kingdoms equally, in regard to the revenue from customs, at the fole will of the King. I lay, therefore, that according to the old Constitution, the united strength of both kingdoms was effectually bound together, by the fingle fundamental principle of acknowledging the fame King with the same prerogatives ; but, according to the present political frame in each island, the acknowledgment of that point alone leaves the fundamental part of the Constitution of both kingdoms incomplete ; for the regulation of the defence of a State is fundamental to every constitution.
To complete the constitutional connection between Great Britain and Ireland, therefore, 'tis not enough for both islands to have the fame King, and the same freedom of commerce ; but it is also necefsıry to have the same common principle of general defence,' to be put in action by the same superintending and directing power. The regulation of the defence of a state is as fundamental to every
constitution, as the defence itself; for a force without direction is no force, The constitutional principle for the people of Great Britain and Ireland to rally to, is, that the force of the two kingdoms ought to be brought to one point, that their political power ought to be made one, by one fixed fundamental law, and the arguments I have already produced prove, that this unity of power would be accomplished in the most constitutional manner by a land tax. But I mean further to fhew, that such a fundamental law of union would be as beneficial to Ireland as it is conftitutional.
• The state of Ireland to this moment, when compared to the natural fertility of her lands, the numbers of her people, and the richness of her surrounding seas, is far from being so prosperous as might be expected. This unprosperous state of Ireland has been generally attributed to the restraints laid, for above hundred
years past, upon its foreign commerce by English Acts of Parliament; but if the Irish theinfelves will take the pains to trace the commercial consequences of those restraints, they will soon be convinced that they have not obstructed her prosperity fo much as is generally believed. That those restraints when first laid on, were grievous and oppressive, can hardly be doubted; but as the productions of nature are various, and the wants of men are various, active industry when shut out from some channels of commerce, will in length of time open to itself other channels; which last may be more profitable to it, than those it was excluded from would have been. Thus the farmers in the ncighbourhood of Constantinople, who have been prohibited from planting vines, may have raised from their lands products that enrich themselves and their country, more than vineyards are generally found to do; for it has long been remarked in France, that the wine countries are the poorelt and least profitable. Nearly the same thing may have happened
in Ireland in regard to her foreign commerce; for though Great Britain formerly, with great injuitice and impolicy, excluded Ireland from some channels of foreign trade; yet that her foreign trade of late is become very considerable, appears from the state of her exports and imports for several years paít. Let any one cempare the amount of the exports of Ireland, with those of the opulent kingdom of France, and the foreign trade of the former will be found to equal that of the latter, if not to exceed it, taking the extent and population of both countries into consideration.
• Nothing therefore deserves more to be ranked among vulgar errors, than the opinion, which attributes the present unprosperous state of Ireland, and the general poverty of its inhabitants, to their late limited foreign trade. Such an opinion is worthy of the shallow politician Swift; but the very judicious and truly patriotic Doctor Berkley, bifhop of Cloyne, formed conclusions quite different, even on the supposition that Ireland were wholly restrained from all foreign trade, making it one of his queries, whether Ireland might not be prosperous and happy, though it were surrounded with a wall of brass forty feet high ?'
To the arguments urged by our author in proof of the beneficial effects of a land-tax in Ireland, he adds an observation to thew that exclusive of its other advantages to Ireland, such a tax would directly fave to that kingdom 100,oool.
• As it is computed that a million of the land rents of Ireland are spent in Great Britain, an Irish land tax of a real two shillings in the pound, or one-tenth, equally affecting all those rents, would consequently deduct from this exported million, one-tenth, or 100,000l. This would be a real gain to Ireland, and a much fairer way of taxing the absentees, than by fingling their rents out alone as an object of taxation; for in fact, though it would be much for the local benefit of their eítates, that land poffeffors should live upon them, yet, while they live within the dominions of the same Sovereign, they cannot properly be called absentees; otherwise Scotland, Northumberland, Yorkshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, &c. would have as much reason to complain of absentees as Ireland. A free government avoids putting too much regulation into its adminittration, and will rather suffer some abuses, than enforce, by a direct command, what may seem to be an infringement of perfonal liberty, namely, the restraining any citizen from residing or living where he pleafesRichard II. and some subsequent kings endeavoured to drive the Irish land poffeffors from England by a tax of 135. 4d. in the pound of their estates ; and Queen Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I. by different proclamations and profecutions in the Star Chamber, endeavoured to drive the English country gentlemen from London to refide in their several counties ; but the modern spirit of the British government is very different, and would rather that the public flould suffer fome detriment, than that the individual should suffer what he might think oppreffive. The real absentee is he who lives out of the dominion of his Soveseign, upon a rcvenue drawn from that dominion; and, for more
than a financial reason, a wise government ought, by penaltics, to discourage all such absentees. While all Italy formed one State under the dominion of Rome, it was indifferent to government whether a Ligurian lived in Calabria, or a Calabrian in Liguria; but since Genoa and Naples form two different States, the case is altered ; and within these fifty years the government of Naples have compelled those Genoese, who held estates within the Neapolitan dominions, either to sell their lands, or to reside.'
The matters contained in this ingenious .publication deserve the public attention; and it deserves to be observed, that the author has in general expressed himself with distinctness and precision.
Art. XIV. Fugitive Pieces. 25. 6d. Dilly.
of , ticisms, dialogues, and lamentations, were written, the author tells us, at a very early age, and will therefore, he hopes, escape the frown of censure, and the lath of severity. When a very young writer, in all the fervour of partiality for his own productions, hurries them into public notice, great allowance ought to be made for the errors of inexperience. The same indulgence, however, cannot be juitly claimed, where the crude efforts and observations of youth are thought by maturer age worthy of instructing and entertaining the world. Where this is the case, we cannot help concluding that the author has increased in years, but not in wisdom; and that therefore his productions though written ever so long before, are the proper test of his abilities at the time of their publication.
Of the poetry in this collection we shall only observe, that it is of that infipid kind, which neither calls for cenfure nor applause. The critical papers we shall think worthy of a more minute investigation; as in them the opinions and talents of some writers of reputation are called in question.
Dr. Warton is accused of plagiarism in the following pasfage of his Ode to Fancy.
• O! Nymph with loosely flowing hair,
Thy brows with Indian feather's crown'd,'
“ His garment neither was of filk nor say,
Why Dr. Warton should not have thought of adorning his nymph with Indian feathers without being obo liged to this passage for it, is beyond our comprehension. If such distant resemblances be thought sufficient to constitute a charge of plagiarism, no poet would ever be able to establish any claim to originality.
The latt line of the following passage from Pope, Dr. Warton has objected to, and our author thinks very unjuftly.
' And scarce are seen the prostrate Nile or Rhine :
And little eagles wave their wings in gold.'
Warton on Pope, Vol. II. p. 268, " Surely this obfervation,” says our author, “ can hardly be just: the circumstance instead of being puerile and little, seems rather rich and poetical; it likewise somewhat contradicts his commendation of a paffage, quoted Vol. I. p. 25. of a fimilar nature, and which is there said to be finely imagined:
The figur'd fireams in waves of silver roll’d,
And on their banks Augufia rose in gold." Our author seems to have forgot, that the epithet little was the chief cause of Dr. Warton's paffing a censure upon the former passage. The bird of Jove naturally excites a grand and majestic idea, which being checked by such a diminutive representation becomes trivial and unpleasing. No such defect can be attributed to the latter passage ; which, in our opinion, is exceedingly beautiful.
“ Lord Chefterfield,” says this writer, “ in some easy verses addressed to a Lady, has this false, though pretty thought :
“ The dews of the evening industriously fliun,
They're the tears of the fly for the loss of the sun." " This blunder seems to have originated from two causes; in the first place from his lordship’s ignorance of the nature of dews, which are exhalations from the earth and afcendi and in the second, from his having probably by.accident, seen an ode of Renat Rapin, who calls the Grasshopper
66 Cæli caducis ebria fletibus.' “ The claffical and learned part of Lord Chesterfield's character,” continues our author, " when brought to the test, stands but upon a fimilar foundation with his morality; and the censure he has ventured to brand the Greek epi. grams with will ever summon up the indignation of every scholar; he certainly either was unable to construe them, or, if he could, had not sufficient tafte to enjoy them. He was a man of the world, elegant, superficial, and debauched; his learning had little folidity, and his morals less principle.”
Who, upon hearing a decifion urged with such an air of consequence, would not rather doubt his own opinion, than suppose that such a dictatorial writer could be mistaken? We reviewers, however, who by profession are obliged to examine a little into affertions before we admit them to be valid, find that boldness is not always the test of truth. In the present instance, an elegant writer is accused of a false thought, which in realįty is as consistent with true philosophy as it is expressed with grace and beauty. That the dews fall in the evening, from the air not being able to retain that water in solution with it, whịch by the sun's affiftance it attracted in the day time, is a truth of which any one who pretends to the smallest knowledge in natural philosophy is fully convinced. The author of this couplet, therefore, we may conclude, was indebted not to an ode of Renat Rapin, but to nature herself for his beautiful idea. As to the other censure which this writer deals out so liberally against him, we will venture to foretell that the wit, acumen, and elegance of a Chesterfield will be remembered, when the malevolent enemies of hịs fame, of a much higher order than the critic before us, will be neglected and forgotten.
We shall conclude this article by observing, that though the author has discovered ignorance and want of judgment in many of his critical decisions; there are some instances in which he has shewn taste and ingenuity. He would not have failed so frequently if he had placed less confidence in þis own abilities.
Art. XV. Observations on the Importance of the American Revo
lution, and the Means of making it a Benefit to the World. To which is added, a Letter from M. Turgot, late ComptrollerGeneral of the Finances of France : With an Appendix containing a Translation of the Will of M. Fortune Richard Cately, published in France. By Richard Price, D.D. L. L. D. and Fellow of the Royal Society of London, and of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in New England. 8vo. 2s.6d. London. Cadel.
EW men poffefs happier talents and dispositions than
the author of these observations, who to a genius metaphysical and profound adds the benevolent and enlarged views of a citizen of the world, bursting the narrow bounds of the amor patriæ, so much extolled, but in truth a cone tracted passion, and concerned for the dignity and the happiness of human nature. That philosophical acumen which