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as a good crop of corn is more valuable than a good crop of hay, the more ground is employed in tillage for corni, in preference to lying as meadow, the richer the country will be.” This is the principle which our farmer fets himself to combat, and, in doing so, he attacks Mr. Lamport's remarks on the importance of agriculture. In opposition to what that writer advances, our author maintains, that the railing as large a fore of provisions as poffible would not in all cases WITHOUT EXCEPTION, be a public benefit. On the contrary, he apprehends that it would in many cases be a very great injury to thoufands of individuals, and very fatal in its effects, with regard to the nation at large. And, particularly, that the univerjul cultivation of the waste lands in Great Britain, would be the greatest evil to this country which in the courie of nature or burean art could possibly befal it.

Plenty of the necessaries of life, fays our author, abstractedly considered, is not of so much benefit to a nation, as most people are apt to think-for it is only wbon that plenty causes a cheapness that enables every rank and degree of people to purchase a sufficiency for their subsistence, which constitutes it a general benefit to mankind: Plenty or 'carcity of the articles of subsistence do not ultimately govern the price of a commodity, though it may tend to create a: temporary rise or fall to a certain degree. It is the charge of the production, that stamps the permanent averaged price on all kinds of cominódities whatever.--For instance, no possible plenty of Dutch holland, or fine muflias of India, could ever cause those articles to alter for any length of time to an equal low price as the coarse doulas--because the manufactory of those fine articles is so infinitely more, expensive than the coarse.--Admitting then, that the charge of production, stamps the permanent averaged price on all kinds of commoditics, then I may fairly draw this conclufion; thaç though by a higher degree of cultivation of the lands in this country, we might be able to produce twice as inuch corn and grass as we produce at. present; yet, it that corn and grafs fo produced should cost the nation, or the farmer who produced it, on account of the advanced rent of lands, and the exorbitant expences in the cultivation, twice as muck per load as the price of those articles are at present, neither the nation nor the farmer would mend their condition by this encreased plenty; on the other hand the poor would suffer double the diftreffes they now suffer, unless their wages were doubled ; and if their wages were dcubied, this would eftectually put a stop to all manufactures carried on at present to supply foreign markets. Now, I do not believe, in case of a general encloture, that corn would be much dearer, or even much cheaper than at present, notwithfranding the greater plenty ; for as the price of corn is established in every country of Europe, from time to time, according to the averaged price, or plenty or scarcity in the different nations--should the cultivation of the waste lands be adopted, we should most probably produce a great deal more corn than would be required for our R3


home consumption; and therefore we should send the overplus abroad; and coniequently the price at home would be the same as the merchant could tell it for abroad, deducting the charges of transportation.-But as a certain ancient book has faid, man does not live by bread alone, there are other things to be taken into consideration respecting the sustenance of man, besides corn, namely butcher's meat, &c. and it is these articles which has given birth to my prefent pamphlet. And I here lay it dowu as an axiom which I shall endeavour to prove, that although the price of butcher's meat hath risen in London to double the price it might have been bought for thirty years ago; yet should all the waste lands in Great-Britain be parcelled out into farms, and let to tenants at high rents, in like manner as many waste lands in the kingdom have of late years been parcelled and let out, in a few years butcher's meat would be dou: ble in price to what it is at present ; that is to say, mutton and beef would be at 9d. or 10d. a pound at least, unless lean cattle fhould be imported from foreign countries. Because I am sure the grazier will not in that case be able to afford it for less. Therefore taking for granted for a moment that I am able to establish this assertion, the reader will, I doubt not, agree with me, that the raising as large a store of prorrifions as possible

, would not in all cales evithont exception be a national benefit; for I believe no will advance, that the additional exportation of corn would be an adequate compensation for so great an evil as that of doubling the prefent price of butcher's meat."

This extract will sufficiently evince that our author has a great deal to say in support of his opinion, and that he is a man of a bold, original, and manly turn of thinking. He analyzes with severe accuracy many passages in Mr. Lamport's remarks, thews many advantages arising to individuals and to the nation from commons and waste lands, and intermixes with his reasonings on agriculturs, many just observations on political ceconomy in general, and particularly on the nature and tendency of trade to introduce luxury, to de. stroy the happiness, and diminish both the numbers and the wealth of a nation. Trade ought to be kept in the station of an hand-maid, but never to be advanced to that of mistress of agricuiture.


ART. V. Three Letters to the People of Great Britain, and par

ticularly to those who signed the Addresses on the late Change of Administration. And the Diffolution of the Parliament. 8vo.

25. Debrett, 1785. THE unusual and unprecedented part which the people of

England took on the removal of the coalition adminif. tration, the coming in of the present, and the dissolution of Parliament, directed the attention of the letter writer (supposed to be Mr. Edmund Burke) to the principles which

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have moved and guided the great political machine for fo
many ages past, and to the events which those principles
and 'those motions have produced; because, in reasoning
from paft to future, they will be able to judge whether fimi-
lar principles and similar movements will not again produce
fimilar effects. Though the names of Whig and Tory were
not known long before the present century, their principles
are coeval with the conftitution.' Where the two great com.
ponent parts of the conftitution are prerogative on one fide,
and the liberty of the people on the other, toryisini and
whiggism must be there also. Our author, from the History
of England, thews that when the principles of the whigs, that
is, a spirit of liberty prevailed, the kingdom flourished propor-
tionably in commerce, and wealth, and national happinefs :
but that, when prerogative gained the ascendant, the fpirit
of induitry with trade and general prosperity funk in pro-
portion. He comes down to the period of the former war,
which terminated in the peace of Versailles 1763, when
Great Britain was at the height of prosperity and glory;
being governed by a spirit of freedom which calls forth
in times of danger the wisdom and the energy of a nation,
But before that war was concluded, ministers of monarchical
principles surrounded the throne: and a most successful
war was followed by a peace so disgraceful to their country.
. That being received by the Parliament, and people at large,
with the strongest marks of disapprobation, as coming infinitely
short of what, with such power in their hands after such suca
cess, they thought they had a right to expect; that it proved,
what a peace is apt to prove, a rock on which weak ministers almost
always Iplit, and they quitted their posts, but they did not relin-
quish their


and from this fource of SECRET INFLUENCE have flowed those bitter waters, which have poisoned all the land, bringing down in their noxious streams more losses in wealth, and inore disgraces in reputation, than this country had ever known, and making within a few short years the name of an Englishman to be received abroad with ridicule and contempt, in exchange for the admiration and respect which I have truly related had for some time universally accompanied it. Such have ever been, and ever will be, the consequences of high prerogative principles; for in. them were the foundations laid, supported fecretly by those who däre not openly avow them.'

Having proved that national prosperity depends, because it has depended, on a due equilibrium of the constitution, our author upbraids the people with having leagued themselves on the side of prerogative against their own liberties : and proceeds to make an animated comparison of the present with the past administration, making the conduct or actions of both, the standard of his judgment,

The ground of the people's dislike to the late ininistry were three; the union of two sets of men who had been once disunited; the tax on receipts; and the India Bill. These were the principal acts of that administration; which our author compares with the public acts of the administration which the people took so much pains to bring into their places.-It is needless to say to which side our author gives the preference ; nor will our limits permit us, by an analysis, or even by a few extracts from his performance, to vindicate to our readers the propriety of our criticism, when we say that these letters contain the best defence of the late administration, and the feverest yet pleasantest attack that has been made on the present ministry.

Art. VI. Five Dissertations on the Scripture Account of the Fall,

and its Confequences. By Charles Chauncey, D. ). Minister of the first Church in Boston, New England. Svo. boarus 45.

Dilly, 1785. TH

HE moral government of the deity, as well as those

laws by which he regulates the course of nature, is a subjeet into which every ingenious mind is inclined, and the Christian is invited to enquire. The mysteries of that government, the wonders of divine grace, as we are informed by divine authority, attract the attention, and the curiosity of those superior orders of intellectual beings who inhabit other mansions than this earth in the capacious house of the father of the universe. And, it must be allowed, that the moral government of the world is more interesting than the laws which regulate matter and motion; as the history of nations is more interesting than that of fofiils and plants:

In the sacred scriptures many views, and glimpses, and obscure shades of truths are disclosed which unaslisted reason could not have discovered, or, if discovered, could not comprehend. Our limited capacities cannot grasp the ways of the Almighty in their full extent: but, in proportion as we advance in our search, the more they open to our view; the more our wonder and adoration is excited; and the more we love, and approve, and confide in that eternal being whose eye is upon every part of the world, and who is concerned for the happiness of all his creatures, and provides for all according to their wants, that is, the appetites and the powers of their nature. The fall of man is a subject which has exercised the philosophical powers of divines even more than any other. The scripture account of this event is generally by such writers supposed to be allegorical; and much ingenuity has been displayed to reconcile it to the theories of philosophy, and to justify the ways of God to man. The 55 09 8v 10 zaxov has exercised the genius, and engaged the researches of ancients and moderns. The most ingenious account of the origin of evil, in our judgm-ot is to be found in Heylyn's Theological Lectures. Thi uthor of these dissertations does not consider the scriptural account of the fall, by any means, as allegorical, but literal. It is true that he wholly rejects the accounts of those writers who ascribe wings to the serpent, who assert that it was of the fiery kind and made a most beautiful thining appearance, and that, being of an erect figure, he could reach and take fruit from the tree, of which our first parents were not permitted to eat.

But Itill he afferts that " Mofes may reasonably be looked upon as literally writing a true fact when he speaks of a serpent as talking with eve, though it be fuppoled, at the same time, that the ferpent was actuated by the devil, and did not say a word in virtue of any natural power he was endowed with, sufficient for the purpose.” Some commentators, our author observes, by imaginary additions have made the serpent speak in the most artfully delusive manner.

• After they have introduced the serpent “playing some of his wily tricks," and, in the woman's presence, taking and eating of the tree she was restrained from touching, they represent him as

putting on a more seraphic, or angelical appearance,” and addreiling her in such language as this, " You see how the fruit of " this tree has exalted me; so that from a beast of the field I am “ become a glorious “ feraph," and endued not only with speech, “ but with the knowledge of the Divine Will, which has not been “ fully opened to you by God himself-Can God pollibly, do you " think, have really intended, that you should not eat of the fruit “ of every' tree of the garden, and of this in particular, which he “ himself has made and planted there? What did he make and

place it there for then ?-You are greatly mistaker. The fruit is

not deadly, nor will it kill you, any more than it has me. Alas! " all that God meant, by faying it would destroy you, was, that it “ would change and transform you. But fo far will it be from s making you cease to be, that, in the day you eat of it, it will

open and enlighten your eyes, as it has mine ; and as it has “ raised me from a serpent to a feraph, endued with speech and “ knowledge of the divine counsels concerning you, so it fall “ likewife raise you from being mortals to be Godsand, instead of “ bringing death on you, make you immortal like the great Creator “ himself; giving you the fame kind of knowledge of good and “ evil that he has. You mall then know the way to possess all the “ good you enjoy, independently as he does; and you shall know " how to avoid death, the threatened evil, which would for ever

put an end to all your bliss and felicity. Even disobedience: s itself will not then be able to bring it upon you. In fine, you

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