The Sorrows of Werter, though an interefting performance, we are convinced has been of no fervice to the younger clafs of readers. This fort of episode to that work, as it does not poffefs the beauties of the original, neither does it contain all its baneful qualitties; it is however dangerous in a certain degree, and female readers will do well to guard against the pleafing melancholy foftnefs it is calculated to infpire.

Eleanora, the Heroine of the novel, feels that she entertains too tender fentiments for Werter, who appears to be in love with her fifter Julia. The death of this latter leaves it undecided whether they really felt a mutual paffion, or were infpired by no other fentiment than a tender friendship. Werter, henceforward, pays the fame attentions to Eleanora that he had done to Julia, and our heroine is every day in expectation of his making an open and direct avowal of his flame, but this he always avoids. Soon after her fifter's death, Eleanora flies from this formidable enchanter to company and diffipation. But after having tried this expedient for fame time in vain, after having remained deaf to the adorations of all the pretty fellows, and refused a most advantageous match, fhe returns to folitude and Werter, not however without having contracted a tender friendship for a Mr. Ponthin, who adores her. But remember that the fentiments the entertains are thofe of mere friendship. We do not approve of thefe equivocal connexions, and advife our fair readers to beware of that kind of melting friendship.

The conduct of Werter continues invariably the fame; with all the attentions of the most ardent lover, he still preferves his myfterious filence, though he nuft have perceived that the lady every moment expected the long-wifhed for declaration. Having thus teized Eleanora for a length of time, he unexpectedly abandans her, and in about a year afterwards the hears that he has killed himself.

Such is the skeleton of the novel, which brings down the fublime Werter to the level of a male coquet. In point of compofition these volumes are above the generality of fuch publications, and the author has contrived, without the aid of much story, to give interest to his performance. The ftory of auld Robin Gray comes in by way of epifode, under the names of Claude and Ifabella, and we are prefented with another, much longer, containing the hiftory of the Montmorenci family, which, though pleafing, occupies too much room in this publication.

For

For the ENGLISH REVIEW.

NATIONAL AFFAIR S.

[For JULY, 1785.]

CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT MINISTRY.

WHATEVER

frailties or follies may attend the prefent miniftry, it is certain that they cannot be charged with indolence. Night as well as day, fummer as well as winter, is confumed in deliberation, or rather in the fabrication of acts of parliament relating to the most important objects: The public revenue; the trade and government of what remains of our foreign dependencies; and a final fettlement of all difputes with Ireland. Taxes are impofed, a fund is provided for extinguishing the national debt, complicated bills for maintaining a connection with the Eaft Indies and with our late dependants across St George's Channel are formed, innovations of various kinds are meditated : not even the venerable institutions of justice escape the infectious fpirit, not of improvement, so much as of alteration.

Activity is beyond all doubt the very charactereftic of our minifters. There are men whofe fupreme happiness confifts in bustle and intrigue; others who are never fo happy, as in making new arrangements; and thousands who glory in the pomp of office, and the difplay of power. There was not a more bustling man in reality, and not one who had fo much the appearance of being fo, as Lord Sydney when in the House of Commons, at that time known by the familiar appellation of Tommy Townshend. Lord Carmarthen is celebrated for his laborious patience in answering letters, copying dispatches, and the whole drudgery of a commis. The Duke of Richmond and Lord Howe are the greatest plodders in the universe. Mr. Jenkinson, for he is now to be ranked among minifterial men, is a prodigy of pragmaticalnefs. Mr. Dundas, active by nature and profeffional habits, as well as from the neceffity of his circumstances, is like the troubled fea which cannot reft: And Mr. Pitt in activity, as in eminence of the above, exceeds the whole. The only excep tion to this general character of the miniftry is the chancellor, who would be very well pleased with a little reft, but who is driven to conftant labour by the perpetual motion of his colleagues in office.

There is a circunftance attending the present set of ministers and ministerial men, that is, men in fubordinate offices of government, which, although it can scarcely be mentioned without moving laughter, is yet fomewhat characteristical of their difpofitions, and not wholly without political confequence. As Lord North and Mr. Fox, with great part of their principal adherents, were men of jolly, focial, and contented appearance; fo the prefent administration are

remarkable

remarkable for being long, lean, or raw-boned. Such is the prenier, fach is Lord Thurlow, Lord Howe, Lord Carmarthen, Charles Jenkinson, and the Solicitor General. The Attorney General, though very fhort, is remarkable for his impatience and reftlefsnefs, as well as a parfimony in his bodily frame and constitution. Lord Sydney and Mr. Dundas, though not lean, are raw-boned, and capable of great anithal exertion. The former of thefe, when a member of the Houfe of Commons, ufed to ftamp with his feet, and clinch and fhake his fifts in fuch a manner as if he panted for a boxing match, or for fome other fubject of manual labour and exercise.

But activity is not in all cafes a fubject of praife. The most mifchievous, the moft ruinous things in nature, are among the moit active. In morals, no paffion fo active and daring too as refentment and deadly revenge. In religion, the devil is a being of unparrallelled activity, conftantly going about feeking whom he may devour. In phyfics, nothing can exceed the active fubtlety of poison, and the quick communication of peftilential and epidemical "diftempers. Before we applaud or approve the activity of minifters, we ought therefore to estimate its tendency. Perhaps, in many instances, the public would indulge thein in a little repofe, and may find reafon to with of them, as is wifhed of Caffius in the play of Julius Cæfar, that they were fatter.'

The prefent adminiftration was formed by a temporary impulse of the nation, and flattered, for fome time, with the national confi. dence. Time has already proved that the love of power is a stronger paffion than gratitude, and that neither virtues nor talents are hereditary. Of Mr. Pitt, fo lately the national idol, men are now generally difpofed to affirm that his conduct is inconfiftent, and his fyftems incoherent and incongruous. He poffeffes a regard, and makes fome inconfiderable advances towards public economy, while, at the expence of a sum that would build a navy equal to that of England, he humours the mischievous whims of the Duke of Richmond. He burthens the nation with intolerable taxes, by way of establishing laws for the prevention of fmuggling, while he is bufied in the fabrication of commercial regulations, which muft infallibly open a wider door than was ever yet opened for contraband and illicit trade. He propofes refolutions to the Irish parliament, and consents to their fundamental alteration, their total fubverfion in the British Senate. When it is the object of the nation to frame fuch a code of laws as fhall poffefs vigour and promptitude fufficient to reftrain and compofe the principles of difcord and revolt in India, Mr. Pitt, with his co-adjutors, contrives a bill for this purpose, enfeebled by fo many checks and counterchecks, and fuch variety of affent and cooperation as appear to have been dictated by the departed fpirits of fome patriotic Gentoos vifiting his nightly flumbers. When a preceding bill for the fame purpose, vigorous and prompt, whatever evil confequences it may be fuppofed to involve to the conftitution, is pending in Parliament, Mr. Pitt oppofes it, chiefly on the ground that it is not confonant with the inclinations, but contrary to the avowed fentiments and remonftrances of the people. What, faid Mr. Pitt, when a number of petitions were prefented against Mr.

Fox's

Fox's India Bill, will you perfift in this bill against the voice of the peopie?' On fubjects of legiflation for diftant dependencies, dif fering from ourselves, and the different Tribes of which thofe depen dencies are compofed from one another in respect of customs, laws, and religion, folicited and tempted by the address of the most refined nation of the world, hoftile not by nature, but by political intereft to this country, on this nice and delicate topic, which requires the united aid of experience and philofophy, our young minister is willing to be determined by the voice of the people. But in mat ters of manufacture and commerce where they are competent, and perhaps the best judges, he lends a deaf ear to petitions figned by nearly a million of people! Controuled, however, by the patriot iim, by the good fenfe of parliament, he is obliged to confult the interests of England as well as thofe of Ireland. The Irish propofit tions are altered: they wear a different complexion:, they bear marks of an English more than of an Irish extraction. Mr. Pitt, in what, as we are fo much involved with 'Ireland, we fhall call the humility of pride, adopts and owns the corrections of his adverfaries; and never appears fo worthy of praite as when he relinquifhes his own opinions, and, retaining all the pride and parade of office, afs fixes the stamp and feal of power to the conceptions of others. The recollection of a few particulars will ferve to evince the truth of what is now afferted.

If Mr. Pitt's original refolutions refpecting Ireland, had passed, we fhould have loft, without all poflibility of redemption the monopoly of the East India trade.

We must have hazarded all the revenue arifing from fpirituous liquors.

We must have opened a more extenfive door to smuggling than was ever yet known to exift in this country.

It would have been in the power of Ireland to have drawn a re venue from our confumption.

Mr. Pitt when he made offers to the Irish Parliament did not know whether England would grant them. And now that England has declared what the is ready to grant, he does not know whether Ireland will accept. The British Parliament is to be adjourned, not prorogued to October. In the mean time the eyes of this nation, and not only of this nation; but of all enlightened politicians in every part of the world will be turned to Ireland. That nation is now independent. It has a legiflature of its own. Its fovereignty is acknowledged by England in the prefent negociations. By the fourth article, as the refolutions are now amended, multiplied and arranged, an intention is difcovered again to flip the yoke of government on a people lulled and foothed by commercial conceffion. For by this article it is provided "That all laws which have been made or fhall be made in Great Britain, for fecuring exclufive privileges to the fhips and mariners of Great Britain and Ireland, and the British colonies and plantations, and for regulating and reftraining the trade of the British colonies and plantations, fuch laws impofing the fame restraints, and conferring the fame benefits, on the fubjects of both kingdoms, fhould be in force in Ireland, by laws to be paffed by the parliainent of that kingdom, for the fame time and

in

in the fame manner as in Great Britain." It is easy to foresee that if Great Britain is to take the lead in the enaction of the trade and navigation laws that are to bind the whole empire, in which it may not be unneceffary, in the prefent times, fpecifically to include Ireland, fhe will virtually draw into this vortex all that is important, and refume in fact, the government of Ireland. The Irish patriots need not to be informed of this conféquence. They have accordingly declared their intention to combat the refolutions when they fhall be remitted to the Irish parliament.

The fortune of Mr. Pitt in giving offence to fo great a number of both English and Irish may be thought extremely hard, and unmerited, fince, hence it may be faid, he cannot poffibly,in conducting the bargain, have given the merit of it to both parties. But let it be recollected that the English nation have reafon to be jealous of their trade, and the Irish of their liberty. There was not any neceffity for Mr. Pitt's coming forward with any plan for permanent concord between Great Britain. and Ireland. The fword of negotiation awakens hoftilities as well as that of war: and instead of conciliation, multiplies, the points of antipathy and difcord. Political connivance and forbearance, would have been more political than a theory for obviating all interferences. Forbearance might have prolonged the fubordination of Ireland to England. Formal recognitions of Irish rights and pretenfions, invites, as experience has proved, fresh hoftilities and new demands. A mutual participation of all markets makes the nations rivals instead of friends. The varying face of the world, the fluctuating state of human affairs juftifies that policy which aims not to form, but to improve conjunctures; and inftead of providing for future, to regulate prefent contingencies. The meafure of precluding all future disputes with Ireland by verbal or written treaties, difcovers an ignorance or inattention to the hiftory of nations, which are never reftrained by agreements however formal, when they militate against their intercft, and favours of the young ftudent at the university or inns of court, who delights in the exercife of the pen, and feeks laurels from a war of words.

*

*

* Communications for THE ENGLISH REVIEW are requefied to be fent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet-ftreet, London, where Subfcribers for this Monthly Performance are defired to give in their Names.