that, mad as the present ruler of France may be, and desperate and insatiable as his ambi tion evidently is, he cannot be supposed mad enough to proceed upon a project, where himself has acknowledged the risk of destruction to be as one hundred to one against him; and while we can look with such confidence to so powerful and gallant an army and navy, we may laugh at his me naces. It has been said, that we might be approached by three divisions. He did not profess to be a calculator, but if it was one hundred to one that one expedition could not succeed, it was three hundred to one that three could not succeed (a laugh). And he wished to ask any naval officer, if there was the slightest probability of such a concurrence of circumstancess-now even that the equinoctial gales (a laugh) were approaching -for such an expedition to approach our shores, without meeting destruction? Beside, as he before remarked, without cavalry (which he never heard it was intended they should bring) and artillery, on which they so much relied, and which they must leave behind, their attempt must be unsuccessful, even if they were permitted to land: so that the attempt must be the very acme of folly, rashness, and frenzy. Much, however, as he ridiculed the menace, he by no means wished to throw the country off its guard, or to slack ea its exertions for security. He wished that a most formidable force might be constantly kept up, and one ready embarked, prepared to strike a blow, which would encourage the enslaved and outraged powers of Europe to rouse from their humiliation and debasement, and throw off the French yoke; and he doubted not, that the oppressed and insulted people of Swisserland, Batavia, and Italy, the moment they should see any chance of success, would be up to a man, for the purpose of regaining their liberty and independence. If there ever was a period during the late war, at which there was real cause to apprehend the successful invasion of these islands, it was at the period of the rebellion in Ireland, which would never have occurred, but for French promises of ample succours to the disaffected. But the deluded people of that country had experience enough of Gallic faith, and its consequences, to trust them again. Nor could he think it possible, after all that was so notorious of the enslavement of the countries of Europe where the perfidious French found footing, that the deluded people of Ireland could be at this day so besotted, as to be desirous of exchanging the invaluable blessings of a British constitution, to become the slaves of France, who, instead of friends at this day, would meet in Ireland a whole nation of the most decided enemies. He could not call to mind any instance furnished by history, of a formidable invasion, which was not marked under the pretext of redressing some wrong, or restoring some monarch or family, which might be said to have a title to the throne. There were no pretensions of that kind to be set up now, and the enemy would now find in all directions, only swarms of people ready and willing to meet them in the field. It had been said, that the object of the enemy, after landing, would be to push for the capital; but the example of history would shew, that it was always the policy of invaders to avoid the capital of a country. That was the policy of William the Conqueror, and the brave host under his command, though he set up some pretensions to the crown, which was recognized by many. After the battle of Hastings, instead of proceeding immediately to London, he took up his post and erected his citadel within nine miles of the coast of Essex, in a position which enabled him to awe the metropolis. But supposing it practicable for an enemy even to gain possession of the metropolis of England, he would not despair, as there would still remain great deal more to fight for. then apologized to the House for detaining it at such length, and declared his main object to be, that of doing away erroneous impressions, and to express his opinion, that the attempts at invasion would prove to be impracticable. Though some despondency had been excited by the declarations made within these walls on the subject, yet he was glad the spirit of the country was roused. He thanked his right hon. friend near him (Mr. Windham) for having roused that spirit; and he thanked his Majesty's ministers for the vigour they had manifested in disposing the resources, and arraying the strength of the country; and convinced he was, that beside the force of the country already in arms, the moment that real danger should approach our shores, or a foreign foe set foot upon this island, there was not a man within or without those walls, that would not fly to arms, scorning to avail himself of any plea of exemption from the defence of his country. He General Loftus said, upon the fullest consideration, he saw no cause for alarm; for though certainly the enemy had many able generals, and veteran troops used to service in open countries, yet should they be able to land a force in this inclosed country, the whole nature of military operations would be changed; as every lane, ditch, hedge, and wall would present a strong post for their annoyance and destruction. Suppose even that an army of forty thousand men should land Here Sir Robert Buxtor rose, and moved the standing order of the House, for clearing the gallery of strangers, which was immediately done. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, July 7. [MINUTES.]-The royal assent was given, by commission, to Foote's divorce bill, and to the army of reserve bill.- -Several bills were brought up from the Commons, among which were the Irish import and export bill, the Scotch militia families bill returned, and the Irish army of reserve bill.The south. ern whale fishery bill, the Irish workmen combination bill, and the Irish promissory bank note bill, were read a third time and passed.—On the motion of the Duke of Norfolk, the consideration of the claims to the Peerages of Zouch and Ross were, after a short conversation between the noble Duke and the Earl of Rosslyn, postponed till next session of Parliament. -Lord Moira presented a petition from 15,000 people of Gloucestershire, against the woollen manufacturers bill.- -Lord Harrowby (formerly Dudley Ryder) took the oaths and his seat. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, July 7. The New Forest black game preservation bill was read a second time.-—Mr. 1. H. Browne obtained leave to bring in a bill for granting 20,0001. for building a navigable canal in the Highlands of Scotland.—-Irish army of reserve bill agreed to, and ordered to be taken to the Lords.--An account of the profits and losses on the sales of the East India Company to the 1st of March, 1803, was moved for and agreed to.-Sir R. Buxton moved for an account of the returns of the number of prisoners confined in his Majesty's gaols of Great Britain and Wales. Agreed to. Irish Treasury bill's bill read a second time.The Irish revenue regulation bill, the Irish militia pay bill, the Irish militia adjutant's bill, and the East India dock bill, were read a third time and passed. -Mr. Alexander brought up the report of the five millions Exchequer bills bill.The bill for allowing the exportation of grain to the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney, was read a first time; as was also a bill VOL. IV. for allowing Portugal wines to be landed and warehoused, duty free, for a time to be limited. The friendly society relief bill was read a second time. [WATERFORD ELECTION COMMITTEE.] Sir Lawrence Dundas made a report from the Waterford election Committee, stating, that there were a great number of voluminous documents, necessary to be minutely examined both by the counsel and members of the Committee, and at the express desire of both, the parties interested applied to the House for leave to adjourn till the 25th of August, which, after some further conversation, was agreed to. The Speaker said, he considered it as a part of his duty to state to the House, that by the letter of the act of Parliament an election Committee was not empowered, without the special leave of the House, and for satisfactory reasons given, to adjourn for more than twenty-four hours. There were several instances however, in which the House acted more on the spirit than the letter of the bill, when there were good and special reasons assigned. The Committee on the Westminster election, for example, were allowed to adjourn for five or six days; that on the Worcester election for a fortnight; and the same indulgence was granted to the Committee on the East Grimsby election for four or five days. The House would of course recollect, that the present report assigned very good reasons, but the extent of the adjournment requested was unprecedented, and very probably the Parliament might not be sitting so late as the 25th of August. Mr. Lee considered the motion to be of considerable consequence. The necessity of an adjournment he believed to be universally admitted; and the more so, as it was made at the request of the parties interested. The motion, however, was, in its present shape, liable to very strong objections. The difficulty which suggested itself to him was, that as by the act of Parliament, Committees could not adjourn for more than twenty-four hours, unless Sundays or Christmas-day intervened, those members of it could make no application to the House for the purpose of extending its adjournment, however ne cessary, as it would have no discretion unless sitting at the same time. He did not see how, if the House was ready to extend their adjournment to the 25th of August, they might not with greater propriety extend it still farther to the time when it could be ascertained that the House would be actually sitting. Mr. Bragge suggested the propriety of ex* D The Speaker said, that toties quoties the necessity of adjournments was made out, Parliament had a right to exercise its discretion in granting permission; but, that it never recognized the power of a Committee to adjourn by its own authority for more than 24 hours, or assembling on the first day after the meeting of the House. Sir L. Dundas pressed the adoption of the adjournment, for which sufficient reasons were assigned in the report of the Committee. Mr. Lee said, he did not deny the propriety of an adjournment, but declared his opinion of the Grenville act to be such, that he wished the letter of it to be construed more strictly than that of any other on the statute book. Mr. Bragge declared, that all he had heard only confirmed him in the opinion, that the best remedy would be found in a special bill for this particular object. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, July 8. Mr. [MINUTES.]The bills on the table were forwarded a stage each. Alexander brought up from the Commons, and presented, the militia adjutants' and serjeant majors' bill, the militia pay and cloathing bill, the London port bill, and the five million Exchequer bills' bill, which were severally read a first time.—Irish army of reserve bill read a second time. [LOTTERY BILL.]On the question for committing the lottery bill, The Earl of Suffolk rose and said, he considered that the bill was a bill for the defence of the country, and for enabling go. vernment to support the war, and therefore, what he had to offer, would be applicable to it. His lordship alluded to the address of the city of London, which was not what he thought might have been expected from the first corporation in the kingdom. It did not breathe that spirit or energy necessary to encourage a vigorous prosecution of the war, but was rather of a pacific tendency. He was under the correction of the House if he had stated, or should state, any thing erroneous, but could not think the proportion of men to be raised by the city of London for the Army of Reserve, by any means adequate to the number which might have been looked for by so opulent and so populous a city. By what he learnt from the public prints, no more than Soo men were intended, which was surely a very inadequate force. Eight hundred men were no more in the present crisis, than a drop of water in the ocean, considering the wealth and population of London, and considering the great interest it had at stake in the contest. The city of Londen would undoubtedly be a great object, it should take the lead, and give the tone to all the other places, instead of being behind most others. His lordship contrasted it with the conduct of the city of Paris, when the Austrians and Prussians entered France; on that occasion, even the women stood forward and assisted in forming the fortifications. What he thought the proportion of men that London ought to furnish, under the present circumstances, would be 2000 at least, half the officers to be appointed by the city, and half by the Crown, and the appointment of the commander of them should remain with his Majesty. He could not help censuring the apathy of the city, on so urgent an occasion; and what he had said were his real sentiments, and he wished the considerations should go forth to the city, who ought, as it appeared to him, to consider the great stake they had in the way, and consequently should have felt the necessity of holding out a more patriotic example to the rest of the kingdom. The Earl of Moira said, his noble friend conceived a most erroneous idea of the sentiments and feeling of the city of London on the present occasion. He was confident, and would, from his own knowledge, as sert, that the city entertained sentiments of genuine loyalty and devotion to the King, and felt the most ardent enthusiasm and zeal for the defence and honour of the country. He had, his lordship said, held several conversations with some of the leading men in the city, and was convinced that such were their sentiments, and the sentiments of the city at large. They would have come forward with an extensive and powerful assistance, where they not apprehensive of embarrassing the measures of government by so doing; but he was satis fied that the city, impressed as it was, and conscious of the great stake it had, would in proper time come forward with a force commensurate with its extensive means, and proportionate to its numerous popula tion. His lordship repeated, that the fear of embarrassing the present measures of government, alone prevented the city from doing more at present, and strenuously contended for its patriotism. Lord Hobart agreed perfectly in what had fallen from the noble lord. His lordship said, he had no doubt but that the city would act in a patriotic and exemplary manner in the present crisis of the country. One point mentioned by the noble carl, he begged leave particularly to advert to. The number of Soo men was only the city's quota under one particular bill-the Army of Reserve bili, which had lately received the Royal assent. The Army of Reserve had no reference to another measure in contemplation. The city of London, he was convinced, would not be behind any part of the kingdom in its contributions of men and means, to strengthen the hands of government, but would come forward with the utmost zeal, when necessary. The Earl of Suffolk said, he was happy to hear what had fallen from both noble lords; but the proportion of London ought to be large. Its population, he believed, to be about a ninth of the whole kingdom. The county he belonged to, his lordship said, only consisted of about 100,000 inhabitants, and yet contributed largely to the supplementary militia. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, July 8. [MINUTES.-The exchequer bills' bill was read a third time and passed.-The Guernsey corn bill was read a second time. --The wine bonding bill was read a second time.——A message from the Lords informed the House, their lordships had agreed to a bill to render justices of the peace more safe in the execution of their duty upon summary convictions, in cases wherein it should appear they had a reasonable ground for convicting. The bill was read a first,, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday, and in the mean time printed.---The New Forest game preservation bill went through a Committee.The report of the clergy relief bill was agreed to.The lords amendments to the Irish parsonage house bill were agreed to. [SEAMEN, Sir W. Scott said, that in consequence of the present hostilities between this country and France, he rose to bring in a bill for the encouragement of seamen. The bill was partly of the same nature as an antecedent one he had introduced, and therefore it was unnecessary to say much upon the subject. It was founded on the ancient rules of the Admiralty courts, and the Vice-Admiralty courts, dispersed throughout his Majesty's dominions. It was his duty, however, to enter into some explanation of the measure: that gallant body of men, the seamen of Great Britain, had an irresistible claim on the legislature of this country, for every practicable attention that could be paid to their interest. It was a known mark of their character (he spoke of the lower classes) that they were not equal to the task of taking care of them. selves; his Majesty's courts had been long in the habit of thinking for them. This arose from their improvident indiscretion, against the effect of which it was in view to provide, at the same time breaking in as little as possible upon those principles which left men free to dispose of what they consider their own. To the present time, they had appointed their own agents and trustees, and revoked the appointment as they thought proper. They had the power of transferring the whole contingent interest they might be entitled to during the war, within a week after its commencement, for any consideration, however inadequate. With regard to an interest like this, which must be considered as flowing from the bounty of the Crown, and to which the party had no antecedent right, any regulations that might be necessary could not be considered injurious encroachments on the rights of the seamen. In the regulations he proposed to submit to the wisdom of the House, he should confine himself as much as possible to that which was most desirable in all matters of legislation, namely, to depart no further from the present usage than was absolutely necessary. It had been proposed that there should be a public office erected, with powers for conducting the whole business of prizes on one general system. He could not deny that a principle of this kind would be attended with advantages, but he was not sure that many of those advantages might not be obtained from the modification of the system which at present prevaileda system which left the parties to the nomination of those in whom they confided their interest. Such a system was more natural, because it was more acceptable to those for whose benefit it was intended. It also recommended itself because it was calculated for the existing interests of those who had hitherto acted as agents, persons whom he could not admit had forfeited their claims to the just attention of the legislature. He must honestly avow, that as far as his attention had been directed to that class of men, the navy agents, it was his opinion a very large portion of the odium excited against them, arose from misrepresentations, not properly considered by those who concurred in them. The adoption of that system, which left men to the nomination of their own agents, was not all he proposed. He wished to guard the nomination by regulations; it would be a great improvement of the plan, if after agents were nominated by private individuals, they were clothed with a public, legal known character, which rendered them amenable for their conduct. For that purpose, one regulation he should propose was, that on the nomination of an agent, the power of attorney should be immediately registered in the Court of Admiralty. At present he did not register the power of attorney, till six months after it was granted, consequently, till the arrival of that period he was not known. By registering his power of attorney, he would be known to the court, and liable to its authority during the whole time. A second regulation was, that at the time of registering the letters of attorney, the agent should give security, in a considerable sum, for the execution of his trust. At present, no security was given, and consequently, a seaman might pick up the most needy man he could find, on Portsmouth Point, to be his agent. When he considered this, he thought it surprising that the men usually employed should in general have acted so honourably as they had done. The great evil was, in the other parts of his Majesty's dominions. The misconduct of these men abroad were the rocks on which the seamen's fortunes were shipwrecked. He could not help thinking the provisions he had introduced, two years ago, would prevent the recurrence of those mischiefs which had taken place during the late war. The effect of giving this purity to the system would be, that of confining the profes sion of agent to men of property and credit, or whose conduct had engaged the confi dence of those who employed them. The next regulation was, that the letters of agency being registered, should not be revoked, but upon complaint to the court, and an order for that purpose. As the matter stood at present, the agents were liable to be removed on the suggestion of the lowest classes of the law, to whom the seamen were particularly exposed. Questions frequently arose as to who was the legal agent, and considerable sums of money were spent, in deciding that point. Such was the basis of his plan. He should propose that the agent should be invested with the permanence that belonged to a public character, so long as he exercised it with propriety. Another regulation was, that, upon the institution of a any appeal, it should be lawful for the judge of the Admiralty to order in the proceeds, and invest them. With respect to the navy, that question stood in a lamentable way. The money, during the whole time of the appeal, remained in the hands of the agent; in consequence of this, he had an interest adverse to his principal. The evil did not rest there. If the appeal was determined in favour of the captor, the profits of the principal rested with the agent; on the contrary, if the captor was condemned, he was liable to pay the interest. Another regulation was, that, after the time of appeal was elapsed, it should be in the power of the Judge of the Admiralty to compel a distribution. It would surprize the House to hear, that there was no power to compel a distribution, but by action at law, or by a bill in Chancery. He should submit, whether it would not be more beneficial, that the court should have the power of following up the agent to a full execution of his duty. At present, it had only the power of verifying accounts, or disallowing them; but it stopped at that point where its autho rity was most required. Another regulation went to this, that no seaman should be allowed to make the general power of attor ney to which he had adverted, in a way by which he might, for a temporary gratifica tion, convey his whole interest in his future prize-money. It would be highly important that the power of attorney should be a special power of attorney, appointing the particular source out of which the interest conveyed was to arise. To this he should add another regulation respecting the dates of the prizes. When prizes were made in the West-Indies, the seamen were often removed to other ships, and what became of the prizes, whether they were condemned or not, they knew not. He should provide that registers of prizes should be transmitted home every month; he meant a list of all the prizes that had gone through the adju dication of the court. These were the regulations to which he should solicit the attention of the naval members of the House. They were strongly recommended to him by the noble person who at present presided over the naval department. The House would see that he had not pressed this subject beyond what justice demanded. There were other details which had engaged the |