as with the Sovereign of France. By every law of nations, and by every rule of justice as such he must be considered; and as to his court, were he in a more miserable hovel than that, which he occupied on the mountains of the Harty at Blankenburg, that hovel would be a court; aye, and a court too, were he then alone, more stocked with virtuous principles, with true honour, with a real kingly mind, than many palaces where diamonds glitter all around one. The ambassador whom I should have pointed out would have been (if I could efface from my memory the events of the last twelve months) Lord Whitworth, that could not be now: a man who has once set his foot within the threshold of a regicide tyrant, or bowed to a jacobinical usurper, is from that moment disqualified to undertake so honourable a mission, as that to which I am alluding. I know no person whom 1 could designate; but I would have a person possessing all the following requisites. He should be a man of the best family, of great wealth, and above all, one who has never been guilty of the weakness of ever having once intermitted in his hostility to revolutionary doctrines. But this is not all, I would provide for his convenience and suitable state, as well as for his honour. 1 would have the Parliament vote him such a pension as would enable him to have something like the state of a king, whose progenitors had successively sat on a throne 1200 years. I would, moreover, invite him to this country, and assign him a place, where he might hold his court, and I would take care that it should be such an one, not as the King of Prussia's pitiful sufferance enabled him to hold at Blankenburg, nor such an one as the generous Paul enabled him to keep up at Mittau; but truly one that would become his royal race, and his lawful claims. This being done, I would invite all the potentates in Europe to join in a Congress, in which the general state of Europe should be discussed, and a plan formed for giving effect to legitimate claims, and for re-establishing order and the balance of power. To this Congress should Lewis XVIII. like every other prince send his ambassador; from such a privilege should the First Consul of France, the new Government of Holland, the President of the Italian Republic, and all other States, who are under any other government than that of their fogimate sovereigns of course be excluded Uutarsan have nothing to do with làm can take any part in the distin of ayful claims. The plate which, I should prefer for the meet

ing of this Congress, would be the Court of the King of France.In the mean time I would prosecute his claims with vigorous exertions, or rather I would enable him to do so. I would give him the means of doing so effectually by every thing in my power. He should be the principal, I would be his auxiliary. The army that should be prepared for supporting these claims should be his army; the generals should be of his appointment; the plans should be of his own drawing. All that I could do, would be to enable him to execute these plans with vigour and effect. I would appoint a spot, where the standard of France might be displayed, and to which might be invited to come all the brave, loyal, and faithful adherents of their old master, and every other person of whatever country, whom the glory of the enterprize, the object to be obtained, or the honour likely to attend success might animate to do So. This army I would leave it to him to organize in any manner he should please. Its operations should be his own; if it was not sufficiently powerful for any object, I would give him succours; if he wanted ships to transport them, I would supply them; if he wanted money to pay them, or arms to arm them, or cloaths to dress them, all these things would I furnish; in short, I would send him forth an army as complete as I could make it, or as the most zealous friend to monarchy could wish. This is the extent of my plan. Of its success I do not feel the smallest doubt. Something short of it may do some good, but I am convinced, that nothing short of the whole will do the whole good. I have a good deal more to say to you on this subject, but my letter is already so thick, that I must defer it till another op portunity. In the mean time, in answer to some starts and expressions of surprize, which you, perhaps, and I know many others would make at parts of this plan, I would only ask, what is that, of which we are now being in dread? Of the King of France; or of the revolutionary government? And if I am told I am mad to propose such a scheme, I will say, that my object is to overthrow the revolutionary government, and then I will ask, what effect he thinks the adopting such measures would have on that government? For my own part I have not the slightest doubt, that if unequivocally adopted and vigorously acted on, we should see in six months time Lewis XVIII. reigning in France; and might make a peace with some little more prospect of permanence and security than

the treaty of Amiens could even give us hopes of; and mad as I am, warlike as I may be, this, I confess, would be in my mind an invaluable boon.-I am, &c.

INQUISITOR.

Extract from the Moniteur of the 16th July, 1803. The measure which the English government has just adopted, in blockading the mouths of the Elbe and the Weser, is a new infringement of the rights of neutrals and the sovereignty of all powers-France, attacked by England, acquires the right of carrying the war into all the British pes sessions, and of getting possession, as she had done in former wars, of Hanover, which forms part of them; but she has not occupied the banks of the Elbe, except in the parts of which that con quest has put her in possession. She has respected the neutrality of Bremen, Hamburgh, and other Stres of the Continent.--What circumstance then could have authorised the King of England to prohibit neutral powers from navigating the Elbe and the Weser? If the English flag cannot appear wherever a French battery can reach it, at least it ought not to prevent neutrals from navigating wherever the chances of war have carried the French armies, and from keeping up the connexions with each other. The Elbe and the Weser wash a large extent of neutral territories; the rivers that flow into them increase still more the commercial relations to which they afford an outlet; to shut the entrance to those rivers is to intercept the communications of a great part of the Continent; it is to commit an act of hostility against all the countries to which that navigation belongs. England ought to have declared more frankly, that she will not suffer any neutral power; but will neutral powers suffer in their turn their flag and their rights to be despised?--If England wished to punish Germany for not having protected and defended Hanover, it is without doub, as Prince of the Empire, that she has thought she had claims to that protection; yet how dare she claim the guarantee of the Members of the Empire at the moment she is violating the rights of one of them. The King of England, in his quality of Member of the Germanic Body, had Consented to arrangements; had stipulated indemnities in favour of the Order of Malta, equally considered as a Prince of the Empire. Scarcely had his Britannic Majesty solemnly signed these dispositions, when he attacks the independence of the territory of the Order. He has no right to form for himself claims which might, with more justice, be formed against him. In fine, the measure of shutting up the entrance of the principal rivers in Germany is, like all those which agland has adopted for several months, an act of blindness which recoils upon herself. She breaks the links of her trade with Germany, and shuts up the principal means of introducing her merchancise into the Continent. She accustoms the people to do without the produce of her industry; she obliges them, in order to obtain articles equivalent to them, to apply to France, to whom, whilst the Elbe is shut, all the means of land conveyance remain open. Fury and passion are very bad counsellors. The English journals anBounce, as a deed of arms of which they are proud, the carrying off French fishermen, and yet England acts in this instance again against herself. In rob

bing the property of these miserable inhabitants of the coast, and in depriving their families of their supporters, they render that population, whose resources they have destroyed, desperate-hey excite them to be more arduous in the defence of our territory, and in the avenging the country. They kindle the sentiment of hatred in the hearts of men who, by the obscurity and tranquillity of their lives, seemed to be less accessible to it. Thus a bad action brings with it always fatal consequences-what is unjust is never profitable, and can only raise the general opinion against us.-—-—-—-—-It is the nature of man to refuse his interest and his wishes to enterprises contrary to equity and good faith; and whatever his prejudices may be, he ends always in being led to the cause that is most just. Alas! what would be the fate of Europe, if there were no power in it disposed to repress the ambition of a state which reckons treaties and justice as nothing! -The English minister follows the bent of his character well known to all Europe. Feeble men cannot obey reason; abandoned to their passions, they are always in excesses. A moderate conduct attests the vigour of a sound judgment: injustice and violence proceed from real weakness, as passion is the natural effect of a state of disease. How can the light of reason shine in the midst of the illusions of delirium? Are not the English people told every day that France is a prey to all disorders, and torn to pieces by factions; that the Government is without force, the public spirit without energy? Perhaps in speaking against the evidence of things, the ministers of his Britannic Majesty do not speak more against their consciences than a madman does when he shews to those around him the phantoms created by his imagination.Woe to the people governed by men who are feeble, and who are without plan! Woe also to Europe if those men be to dispose of what yet remains of the power and prosperity of a great people.The filth Military Division has offered a day's pay to contribute to the expenses of the war against England.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

Papers relative to the Conquest of Hanover, published at Paris, by order of the French Government, on the 14th of July, 1803. Twenty-four hours after the arrival of the Courier, with the Convention of Suhlingen, relative to the Army of the King of England in Hanover, the First Consul sent it to. the English Government, in order to ascertain whether his Britannic Majesty would ratify it.Citizen Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs, wrote to Lord Hawkesbury the following letter:

The Minister of Foreign Affairs to Lord Hawkesbury.Paris, 21 Prairial (June 10.

My Lord,- After a slight engagement with the troops of his Britannic Majesty, the French army occupies the country of Hanover.The First Consul having had in view nothing but the procuring of pledges for the evacuation of Malta, and the completing the execution of the Treaty of Amiens, did not wish to make the subjects of his Britannic Majesty experience all the rigours of The First Consul, however, cannot ratify

war.

the Convention concluded between the French army and his Britannic Majesty, and in that case, the First Consul charges me expressly to declare, that it is his intention that the army of the King of England be, in the first instance, exchanged for all the sailors or soldiers his Majesty's ships may have made or may be in the situation of making prisoners.The First Consul wou'd see with pain his Britannic Majcsty, by refusing to ratify the said Convention, obliging the French Government to treat the country of Hanover with all the rigour of war, and, as a country which, left to itself, abandoned by its Sovereign, would be considered as conquered without capitulation, and given up to the direction of the power occupying it I shall wait with impatience, my Lord, for your making known to me his Britannic Majesty's intentions.Receive, my Lord, the assurance of my highest consideration.

(Signed) C. M. TALLEYRAND.

General Mortier received, at the same time, orders to announce to the General of the Army of the King of England in Hanover, that the First Consul would not make any difficulty to ratify the Convention of Suhlingen, as soon as his Britannic Majesty should have ratified it himself. There is

not a single man of sense in Europe, who could have doubted for one moment, that the King of England would have ratified it.

-Very great then was the astonishment when Lord Hawkesbury's reply was received.

Reply of Lord Hawkesbury to the Minister of Foreign

Affairs.-Downing Street, June 15, 1803.

SIR, I have laid before his Majesty your letter of the roth instant. His Majesty has directed me to inform you, that as he has always considered the character of Elector of Hanover as distinct from his character of King of the United Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland. he cannot consent to acquiesce in any act which might establish the idea that he is justly susceptible of being attacked in one capacity for the conduct he may have thought it his duty to adopt in another. It is not the first time that this principle has been advanced. It has been recognised by several powers of Europe, and more particularly by the French Government, which in 1795, in consequence of the accession of his Majesty to the Treaty of Basle, acknowledged his neutrality in his capacity of Elector of Hanover at the moment they were at war with him in his quality of King of Great-Britain. This principle has been moreover confirmed by his Majesty's conduct with respect to the Treaty of Luneville, and by the arrangements which have lately taken place relative to the German Indemnities, which were to have for their object the providing for the independence of the Empire, and which have been solemnly guaranteed by the principal powers of Europe, but in which his Majesty, as King of GreatBritain, took no part.-Under these circumstances his Majesty is determined, in his character of Elector of Hanover, to appeal to the Empire and to the powers of Europe who have guaranteed the Germanic Constitution, and consequently his rights and possessions in quality of Prince of that Empire.Until his Majesty be informed of their sentiments, he has commanded

After the receipt of the above reply, it was made known to Gen. Mortier, that by the refusal of the ratification on the part of his Britannic Majesty, the Convention of Suhlingen was considered as null and void. Copy of the Letter written by Lieutenant-General Mortier, to Marshall Count Walmoden.—Luneburg, II Messidor, June 31.

I had the honour to inform your Excellency, that the First Consul would fully approve of the Convention of Suhlingen, if the King of England would consent to ratify it himself. It is painful has made known to Citizen Talleyrand, that his to have to acquaint you, that Lord Hawkesbury Britannic Majesty has solemuly refused that ratification. Your Excellency will recollect, that in 1757, a similar Convention was concluded at Closter-Seven, between M. De Richelieu and the Duke of Cumberland, and that the King of England not having chosen to adhere to it, he gave orders to his army to recommence hostilities.-It is to avoid the renewal of the scenes that took place then, that my government directs me to inform your Excellency, that the refusal of his Bitannic Majesty renders the Convention of Suhlingen null. It is evident Marshall, that England sacrifices unworthily your troops, whose bravery is known to all Europe; but it is not less noto rious, that every plan of defence on your part would be illusory, and would only draw down new miseries upon your country.I have desired General Berthier, Chief of the General Etat Major, to make known my proposals to you. I must insist upon a categorical reply from your Excellency, in twenty-four hours. The army I have the honour to command is ready, and only waits for the signal of battle. I beg your Excellency to believe in my very distinguished consideration. ED. MORTIER.

(Signed)

Letter from General Mortier to the First Consul, darek Head-quarters, Luneburgh, July 6.

CITIZEN FIRST CONSUL.-I wrote on the 30th of June to Marshal Walmoden, the letter of which I subjoin a copy. Baron de Bock, Colonel of the regiment of guards, came to me from him on the following day. He told me that the proposition for his army to lay down their arms in order to he sent prisoners of war into France, was of a nature so humiliating, that they preferred perishing with their arms in their hands; that they had made sufficient sacrifices for their country by the capi -tulation of Suhlingen, that it was now time for them to do something for their own honour; that the officers and the army were reduced to despair. Mr. De Bock then represented to me the extreme sincerity with which the Hanoverians had scrupulously fulfilled all the articles of the convention of Suhlingen, so far as they concerned them; that their conduct with respect to us was free from any kind of reproach, and that it ought not to diaw

them the misfortune with which I threatenupon ed them. I, on my part, exclaimed against theof the King of England, who had refused to ratify the convention of the 3d of June; that it was the Machiavelism of England alone which they ought to blame, and that it was the constant practice of that government to sacrifi e them, as it had sacrificed its friends on the Continent.-M. De Bock is a man full of honour and sincerity. He told me that if I could make any acceptable propositions, such as to send back a part of the army in six months, to keep a detachment of five or six thousand men at Lauenburg, &c. he believed the Marshal would consent to the arrangement. My answer was in the negative, and we parted. I had before made all my dispositions for passing the river. A number of barques collected, as well on the Elbe as on the Elmenau, had afforded me am. ple means. The enemy occupied a position between Steknitz and Bille.It was on the night of the 4th that the general attack was to have taken place. The enemy had procured heavy artillery from Ratzburg, and had mounted all their batteries on the Elbe with it. I had caused counter batteries to be erected on my side; my troops were well disposed, and every thing announced a happy issue, when Marshal Walmod n sent to offer me new propositions-C tizen First Consul, the Hanoverian army was reduced to despair, it implored your clemency. I thought you would wish to treat it with goodness when abandoned by its own King. In the middle of the Elbe i made the subjoined capitulation with Marshal Walmoden. He signed it with an afflicted heart. You will perceive by it that his army has laid down their arms, that his cavalry is dismounted, and surrenders to us near 4cco excellent horses. The soldiers returning to their homes are to apply themselves to agriculture, and are not to suffer any obstraction. They will no longer be under the command of England.-Health and profound respect. (Signed) ED. MORTIER.

P.S. It would be difficult to paint to you the situation of the une regiment of the King of England's guards at the moment of dismounting.

for French so diers of the same rank, who have been made prisoners by Er gland in the course of the war.4. The Hanover an Generals and Otficers shall retire on their honour to the places which they may re pectively chu e tor their residence, but shall not leave the Cantinent. They shall retain their swords, horses, effects, and baggage. 5. There shall be delivered, with as lit e delay as possible, to the French Commander ra Chief, a list of all the names of the individus in the Hanoverian army.-6. The Hanover n soidiers, after their return home, shall wear no uniform.-7. Subsistence shall be allowed to the Hanoverian troops, till the times of their return to their own places of residence. Forage shall be equally allowed for the horses of the officers.

8. The 16th and 17th articles of the Convention of Suhlingen shall remain applicable to the Hanove rian army.-9. The French troops shall, consequently, occupy that part of the Electorate of Hanover which is situate in Lauenburg-- Done in two copies, on the Elbe, this fifth day of july, 1803 -(Signed) ED. MORTIER, Commander in Chief of the broch Arng. Marshal Count AALMODEN.

Decree of the Government fike Bitarian Republic, relative to Briti h greds and merchandize. Duted, Hague, July 5th, 1303.

1. That, reckoning from the date of this law, no altic es of merchandize, coming directly or indirectly from the king om of Great Britain, or from its colonies, shall be admitted into the ports of this Republic; but that all gods of this description, introduced into the sad ports from the 1st day of July, in contraven.ion to this der, shall be con scated, and those which shall in the course of July, he imported through ignorance of this prohibition shall be detained; and specific notes of the goods thus detained, with the day and place of detention, and the names of all the proprietors specified, shail be sent to the State Covernment, that it may determine according to the exigence of each case-2. That, computing from the above date, neutral ships bound to pons in this Republic shall have a certificate from the commissary or agent of this Republic for commercial relations, at he place from which they are

that Convention as void. In consequence of this, Lieutenant-General Mortier, Commander in Chief of the French army, and his Excellency Count Walmoden, Commander in Chief of the Hanoverian army, have agreed on the following capitulation, which is to be executed immediately, without being submitted to ratification by either of the two governments :

1. The Hanoverian army shall lay down its arms. These, with all its artillery, shall be delivered up to the French army.-2. All the horses of the Hanoverian troops of cavalry, and the artillery horses shall be delivered to the French ar my, by a Member of the States of Hanover. A commission shall be sent from the General in Chief to take the state and distinctions of those horses.3. The Hanoverian army shall be dis solved. The troops shall again pass the Elbe, and retire every one to his own home. They shall engage on their honour not to bear arms against France and his allies, without being exchanged

O commerc al agent or commissary be tire resi dent; and the said certificate shall state the name of the ship and its cap ain, the nature of the cargo, the num er of the m n con p sing the crew, and the destination of the voyage 3. That no captain of any merchant ship, wanting the proper ceti cate, by negligence, or a change in the destination of the voyage, shall be admitted into any port of this Republic, otherwise than on condition of taking in return, and exporting a cargo, consisting of products either of the soil of this country, or of the industry of its inh bitants, and amounting in value to the value of the goods by him impor cd. 4. That it is forbidden expressly to export, in any manner whatever, any article necessary to the building, the repairing, and the equipment of ships, or to transfer to the possession of foreigners, ships already built, or which may, at the date of this law, be in the ports of this Republic, which shall hereafter be built, or in 200 manner come into the proper possession of the habitants of this Republic, excepting only those particular cases, in which the Government or the State shall, to that effect, give its special consent; and on pain, that he who shall be convicted of

for the wives and families of those who may

ecived such ships for the account of any persons not inhabitants of this Republic, shall perfect the ships one or more, so bought or sold, and shall pay a fine equal to twice their value; or if the ships cannot be seized, to three times their value.

5. That, moreover, and with confirmation, so far as need may be, it is by antient laws, still in force, forbidden to export, on any destination, any materials for the construction of ships, or other things necessary in war, arms, gunpowder, and saltpetre, except in the case in which that is done. by the consent and special authority of the State-Government, and with the necessary precautions.-6. That, in the last place, and with the same confirmation, so far as need may be, it is by laws, still in force, forbidden to export any provisions destined for the use of the enemy, on pain of confiscation of the provisions, and arbitrary punishment, according to the exigency of the case. In consequence, the government ordains, that this present Act shall be published, and posted up, wherever it is fit that it should be known, and enjoins all concerned to see that it be exactly executed.

C. H. GOCKINGA. C. G. HULTMAN.

INTELLIGENCE.

FOREIGN. Accounts received from Constantinople correct the accounts given in our last, of the revolt in Egypt, and state that Cairo, and not Alexandria, was the place wrested from the Porte by the Albapians. This event is said to have caused the greatest alarm at Constantinople, and a fleet which was fitting out there, was ordered immediately to Egypt. The Pacha of Damascus has defeated the Arabian rebel Abdul Wichab, near Medina, and completely routed his army.-The Emperor of Russia is continuing his tour, and on the 7th ult. was at Little Asbersfors in Sweden. The First Consul having left Lisle proceed ed through Manin, Ypres, Dixmune, Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges; and was expected to make his solemn entry into Brussels during the course of the present week.The Dutch have prohibited the importation of any English merchandize into their country.

DOMESTIC.- A Bill was brought into Parliament by the Secretary at War on the 18th inst. for arming and training the whole country. Considerable debate took place on the subject between the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Secretary at War, Mr. Windham, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Fox. On the 21st a message was brought down from the Throne, recommending to Parliament the settlement of some pecuniary indemnity on the House of Orange. -The merchants, &c. of the City of London have opened a subscription for making provision

riers in different parts of the kingdom have made liberal offers of waggons and horses for the service of government.-Lord Pelham has given orders that no neutral ships, having Italian silk on board, and bound for any part of his Majesty's dominions, shall be molested. The discussions between this government and the United States respecting the claims of the American citizens for captures by British cruizers during the last war, are now brought very near a conclusion. Last Friday the first instalment upon the awards of the Commissioners, amounting to about £400,000 became due, and was punctually paid by this government. The whole will amount to about £1,200,000. Stocks continue falling.

MILITARY.-The Hanoverian troops which were assembled on the right bank of the Elbe with a determination to oppose the French, capitulated on the 5th inst. to Gen. Mortier. The articles of capitulation will be found in page of the present sheet. The Gallo Italian army which entered the Neapolitan territories under the command of Gen. St. Ceyr, is extending along the coasts, and occupying the harbours. The Genoese troops are on their march for Romagna. The head quarters of the French division will be at Taranto, and the Italian at Chieti. The preparations for invasion are still going on in the ports of France and Holland with unabated activity. In every part of his Majesty's dominions, measures are taking for placing the military on the best possible footing; and providing the most effectual means of carrying on the

war.

NAVAL. Advices from Genoa, of the 20th ult. state that a French squadron of five ships of the line and six frigates has sailed from Toulon, and escaped the English fleet stationed in the Mediterranean. A Russian squadron, consisting of eleven ships of war, arrived at Warnemunden, near Rostock on the 10th inst.-Seven English frigates and a cutter were blockading the Elbe on the 11th inst. and the neutral ships which had put back had proceeded chiefly to Tonningen.-The Gazette of this week contains no official account of captures, but letters from all the sea port towns of GreatBritain furnish ample lists of valuable prizes which have been taken and sent in.

TO THE EDITOR.

July 18, 1803. SIR, I have just read over the Summary