rapidly be appreciated, the manner in which the exercise of its duties was received during my recent tour in the north of England, is sufficient guarantee.

"I have the honour to be, Sir,

"Your most obedient Servant,

"JOSEPH FLETCHER."

'J. P. Kay Shuttleworth, Esq., Secretary to the Committee of Council on Education."

CHAPTER IV.

The way in which the difficulties opposing the establishment of a great scheme of National Education may be overcome.

I Now arrive at the most difficult part of the work I have undertaken; at the part for which I am confessedly the most incompetent, it being always much easier to expatiate on existing evils and to describe what is wanted, than to show how the deficiency can be remedied. I feel that I shall lay myself open to the charge of presumption in venturing on a subject which has never yet been solved, but still I shall offer my opinion, hoping that if it indeed be worth little, yet that it may provoke discussion on a point so deeply important to the best interests of the commonwealth. And truly difficult as the solution of the question, "What shall we do?" undoubtedly is, it would be the extreme of folly to imagine, that there is no solution of it, but a revolution; and that what Germany, Holland, Austria, and Prussia, have accomplished in times of social tranquillity, cannot be undertaken here, until, as in France and Switzerland,

a social earthquake has levelled the obstructions to the settlement of this question. Still, though I do believe that we want in England nothing but the will, and though I am convinced that it would be easy to carry out this great work of social reformation did that will exist, I freely confess that I see no prospect of its being done, until the people accomplish it for themselves; as I see it opposed by the bigoted sectarianism of one party, by the ignorant hostility of a second, by the blind indifference of a third, and by the timidity of even its real friends. So that whilst I write, it is with the merest glimmerings of hope, that a discussion may be raised, which may perchance embolden the timid and arouse the indifferent, though the voice of an angel would plead in vain to our unchristian sectarianism.

Let it not be thought, in what I am going to propose, that I am at all desirous of superseding local efforts or of taking the direction of the parochial schools out of the hand of local authorities; far otherwise: I only wish to see the local efforts aided, where without aid they are confessedly deficient, and a security given to the country that some one shall provide for the wants of those localities which cannot do anything for themselves.

Nor do I wish to interfere with the educational societies further than we now do, that is, by assisting them in every possible manner; by assisting the diocesan boards to realize their present desire to establish Normal schools, and by assisting the Church and the Dissenters to educate efficient masters and mistresses for their schools, and to provide an efficient system of inspection for them all. I would have Government give every possible guarantee to the different religious bodies, that it would

not attempt in any way to undermine the influence which they legitimately claim to exercise over the education of the people, whilst at the same time Government should require sufficient guarantees that the secular education of the people should be properly attended to.

But whilst the church and the dissenting bodies both continue so suspicious of all Government interference whatever, what can we hope to do? Without the aid of Government, I have clearly shown that the efforts to raise sufficient funds for the education of the people have always and must always fail, whilst on the other hand, the Government will always be crippled in its efforts to promote national education, if it does not act cordially with the religious bodies, and if it attempts to carry on the work alone. I sincerely hope, then, that it will not be thought by any that I am desirous of undermining the influence of our clergy, or that I think the education of the country can be carried on without their most cordial co-operation. I fully agree with them that the great end of all human education is to develop the religious character of mankind, and I cannot wonder that they are suspicious of every public interference which appears to overlook this great truth. But let them take great heed that this suspicion is not carried too far, and that it is not expressed when no cause for it exists; let them avoid exciting a belief that their opposition does not proceed from this holy feeling, but that it is stimu lated by the desire of raising their order and increasing their political influence. If such a suspicion ever attaches itself to them, from that day the fall of the church will be sealed.

We stand on dangerous ground. We know not now how far the mine has been excavated. We know not how strong the enemy is, but certain it is that a spirit omnipotent for evil, a spirit of revolution, irreverence, irreligion, and recklessness, and, more dangerous than all, a spirit of unchecked, unguided, and licentious intelligence is abroad, which will be the most dangerous enemy with which Christianity has hitherto had to cope. Remember, that it is utterly impossible in these days to stop the rapidly unfolding intellect of the people, even if it were desirable, and that uneducated intellect is the worst enemy to the best interests of mankind. Cheap literature, which may be had for the asking, cheap postage, cheap and rapid communication between different districts, the continually increasing interest which the people take in political transactions; the lessons, the practical lessons, they are daily receiving on the effects of combination, and the wholly unfettered exercise of thought and speech in this country, have utterly precluded the possibility of their remaining stupefied, and have ensured their intellectual advancement beyond a doubt. Cannot we, then, see the consequence of all this? If religious teachers are not found, and that soon, for this people, where will the church be fifty years hence? Where the French church was in 1796— overthrown by an infidel multitude. Can any one think our social condition to be compared to that of Holland? Can any one look on for the next half century without dismay? Are not the cause of religion, the cause of morality, the cause of social order, and the future prosperity of this country, all compromised, deeply compromised, by our present inaction?