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classes manage to reach the lower and less informed sections of the people, though in a weaker and less distinct form. The vernacular press, so often despised or ignored, is gradually becoming a powerful medium of education for the masses, and those who cannot read the papers themselves at least hear the echoes of what is agitating the newspaper world. A gossip about the latest news, especially in days when a great war is raging in any part of the world, is not an uncommon thing now in the village circle of an evening or in the leisure haunts of workmen in the towns. What is discussed by them as the "latest" may be very stale for an up-to-date man, but, still, their interest in it from day to day indicates a broadening of their mental horizon and a rising sense of what is happening around them. This spirit is stimulated to an appreciable extent among the masses all over the country by the growing number of their countrymen going abroad-as travellers, as students, as traders, as emigrant settlers, and as indentured labourers. In a large number of rural districts of the Punjab, for example, the name of Africa is now very well known, because thousands of men have gone out to Uganda. Similarly the name of Australia has become a household word, both as the place where work is to be found and as the place of which the doors have been long shut against British Indians by a British colony under the flag of Great Britain. The compactness of village life renders every departure of an emigrant from the village an event in its history, and from that day begins an interest in the outside world. The soldiers who have gone abroad on important expeditions, like that to China and the still more recent one to Somaliland, bring back home to their villages and towns exciting descriptions of their travels by sea and land, of the sights that met their eyes, of the nations which they came in contact with, and of the interesting experiences they went through. Thus they serve as a link between their small, retired, and hitherto isolated village community and the great world beyond. The progenitors of the peasants of

to-day knew little, and cared less, about the destinies of people outside their little world, but the younger men are brought up under conditions which open their eyes and expand their sphere of interest. This indirect education that is slowly but steadily going on is not yet strong enough to give rise to a presumption that the illiterate section of young India can take an intelligent interest in the current affairs of their country and of the world, but it can hardly be denied that a great and effective step is being qu quietly taken towards that goal, and that in course of time, with a further development of the causes enumerated, helped by a more general elementary education, and accelerated by efforts from patriotic Indians aiming at raising the level of the intelligence of the masses, a body of opinion may grow up in the country calculated to compel attention.

Turning now to the literate portion of young India, no less important for the comparative smallness of its numbers, we find that there is already some stir in it. Education is having its natural effect: the minds of men are being awakened, their thoughts fly higher, the voice of ambition finds a sympathetic response in their hearts, and they aspire to come into line with the great nations of the world. This desire to improve their condition intellectually as well as materially, individually as well as collectively, is taking diverse forms, according to the inclinations of the persons actuated by it. We see this spirit of activity, this desire to do something, this anxiety for the welfare of the Motherland, displaying itself in political movements like the Congress, in social movements like the Conferences of Reform, in educational movements like the Mohammedan Educational Conference, and in religious movements like the Arya Samaj among the Hindus, to take only one typical instance out of many which mark religious revivalism in India of the present day. Some of these movements are now established institutions, commanding vast induence, and being appreciated in different ways by the classes whom they try to serve. Each has its zealous adherents,

who believe the welfare of the whole country to be bound up with the success of their plans, and look with disfavour upon those who bestow their sympathies elsewhere. But to the impartial student of Indian affairs all of them seem to be the natural outcome of the conditions in which we live, and of the period of transition through which we are passing; and he believes all of them to be more or less needed to culminate eventually in a national life, under the influence of which the hearts of a whole people will throb in unison. Before attaining that end, however, the question is how to reduce this apparent discord into unity. Some would suggest the bringing together of the various streams of patriotism, charity, and enterprise that have so far flowed in different directions, and making them run into one channel, to produce a strong and powerful motive power. There can be no doubt as to the strength of such a unity were it possible, but constituted as mankind is, scope must be given to individual likes and dislikes, and it is useless to expect the whole of India to seek its salvation through any one of the organizations existing for the amelioration of her condition. What is wanted is a spirit of tolerance towards each other, an admission that there is a limited power for good in most of the movements that are on foot, and that such power is not centred in any of them to an unlimited extent. It is regrettable that these different organizations have a tendency towards narrow exclusiveness, and gradually degenerate into cults, the followers of which look with something like horror upon those who believe in other systems of work, and thus add one more powerful force of disintegration and disunion to other forces of the kind that already exist in India, and keep the people of the land divided. The recognition of the good that there is in each, the extension of sympathy with each other, and the desire to co-operate so far as possible, are remedies which, if skilfully applied, can change discord into harmony and multiply chances of usefulness.

I have pointed out where the weak spot in the social

and political movements of the India of to-day is, and hinted how those engaged in them may try to strengthen their position. This has reference to the relations between various societies and their foremost workers; but there is another side of this question, and that concerns the relation between these movements and the Government in India. People in England, who have practically a free hand in the development of their national life and institutions, can hardly understand to what extent a movement in India can be affected for better or for worse by the attitude which the Government takes with regard to it. And the attitude of the Government towards many of the movements we are considering is one of apathy and indifference, and sometimes of hostility and mistrust. The Mohammedan Educational Conference of Aligarh, confining itself as it does to the object of preaching to Mohammedans that they should take to Western education, to which they have been averse for a long time, is almost the solitary exception among the more important public organizations of our country which has occasionally received a word of sympathy from some far-seeing members of the Government; but a large number of other movements have been treated with indifference. Now, I hold that it is not a wise policy for any Government (least of all a Government like that of the British in India) to remain indifferent to movements that sway the popular mind.

Having said something about the apathy that generally characterizes the official attitude towards popular movements in India, I think I must say something about the open hostility and mistrust with which political movements have been regarded. The Congress was started with the avowed object of constitutionally agitating for better rights and privileges for Indians, both as citizens and as public servants. It assembled annually, and its assemblies were public, and it made no mystery of its proceedings. That its object was not pleasant to "the powers that be" we can understand, but it acted within its legal rights, and there

fore the mistrust that it excited in official quarters and the open hostility with which it sometimes met have been responsible for an amount of ill-feeling which is now beginning to bear fruit. The Congress started by recognising the British Government as a necessity for a peaceful, progressive, and prosperous India, and embodied this principle in its resolutions, in the speeches made on its platforms, and in the printed record of its proceedings. It still adheres, I think, to that principle in its official utterances; but I have it on good authority that there is a growing body of men who once supported it, but who have been driven by what they regard as years of disappointment and disencouragement from the Government to an attitude of defiance. They recognise the smallness of their numbers and the helplessness of their present situation, but they feel very bitterly towards the British, and wish to cut themselves off from them by offering them "passive resistance." Up to the present this hardly constitutes anything more than a sign, but it is a sign which, I think, everyone who believes in the desirability of good relations between Englishmen and Indians, and wishes to solve most of the difficulties of the country by getting the two classes to work together for the welfare of India, will notice with deep regret. Measures of repression to crush the growing spirit of independence have been tried, but have failed to bring about the desired result. They have ended in more bitterness. It yet remains to be seen what kindness and sympathy can do. It may be said that sympathy has been tried also, but I believe one may rightfully ask for a larger measure of it than has been given hitherto. That was a measure adapted to times that are past, to men who had been trained in a different atmosphere, and to conditions that have materially changed. Societies as well as States are in constant need of readjustment to suit changing circumstances, and in many respects, perhaps, no country in the world is undergoing greater changes than India, though few countries have a higher reputation for

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