A. D. 1799.

reserved territory was divided between the Com- | pany and the Nizâm, the former getting one-third, the latter two-thirds. The share of the Company was Canara, Coimbatore, Daraporam, and Wynaad, and their dominions, thus extended from sea to sea, south of Mysore.

Pensions, to be paid by the rajah of Mysore, were granted to Tippoo's principal officers; to Kummur-ud-Dîn, who declined making any terms, trusting entirely to the generosity of the English, was assigned a handsome jagheer out of the reserved territory. All had cheerfully submitted, and the peace of the country seemed only likely to be disturbed by a man, whom the English finding in irons at Seringapatam had set at liberty. This was a Hindoo adventurer, named Dhoondia, who, having been captured in a plundering excursion into Mysore, had become a Mussulman on compulsion. Tippoo took him into favour, and gave him a military command, but afterwards threw him into prison. He now contrived to collect a few horsemen, and moved toward Bednore. His force gradually increased, he got possession of some of the strongest places, and he levied contributions in a most merciless manner. Some British troops were sent against him, and having routed his freebooters, and captured his fortresses, they forced him to fly to the territory of the Marattas, who speedily plundered him of all he possessed. He soon, however, again had a large body of followers, and he captured several of the Maratta forts; and as it seemed needful to crush him before he became formidable, the English demanded permission to enter the Maratta territory in pursuit of him; the permission was given, though reluctantly, and Col. Wellesley set about reducing him without delay. He soon destroyed a division of his army, on the banks of the Malpoorba, and having followed him over that river, pursued him into the territories of the Nizâm, where he routed him again at a place named Conaghul, and Dhoondia himself was among the slain.

CHAPTER III.

Settlement of Tanjore-Of Surat-Of the Carnatic-Fate of

Vizîr Ally of Oude-Embassy to Persia-Settlement of Oude-Expedition to Egypt-Disunion between the Governor-general and Court of Directors-College of Fort William.

THE plan of administration which Lord Mornington had formed for Mysore, was that which he was resolved to extend, if possible, to all the states connected with the Company. Ample experience had shown that the system of double government, beside being highly injurious to the Company, was ruinous to the people; for every prince in this condition was sure to be surrounded, exclusive of native depredators, by a famished crew of European usurers and adventurers; and to leave them totally independent, would have been destructive alike to all parties. And surely justice will declare that the real interest of the people, and even that of the Company, should take precedence of that pretended one of a ruler who only sought his own

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gratification, and was usually a mere puppet in the hands of others.

The first country in which this change was made, was Tanjore. The Rajah Tuljajee, when dying in 1787, adopted a boy ten years old named Serfojee, or Sarbojee, whom he declared his heir, appointing the venerable missionary Schwartz to be his pri vate, his own half-brother Amar Sing his public guardian. Amar Sing, however, disputed the validity of the adoption, and the question being referred by the government of Madras to a council of pundits, it was by them pronounced illegal, and Amar Sing was placed on the musnud. In 1793, on the repeated complaints made by Schwartz, of the cruel treatment his ward experienced at the hands of Amar Sing, that youth and the widow of Tuljajee were removed to Madras. It now was asserted that the pundits had been bribed to make their decision, and an appeal was made against it. The opinions of the most learned pundits of the south, and of Bengal and Benâres, had been taken, and they were all in favour of the validity of the adoption. The inquiry had lasted for some years, but it had been concluded before Lord Mornington reached India, and he was instructed to restore the young Rajah to his rights. Amar Sing, whose government had been as bad as possible, was deposed, and Serfojee declared Rajah of Tanjore. The English took the whole civil and military administration into their own hands, assigning a splendid provision out of the revenues to the young Rajah.

A similar change took place at this time in Surat on the other side of India. Many years ago the English had, at the desire of the inhabitants, taken possession of the castle and fleet, that is, undertaken the defence of that city, while the civil authority was in the hands of the Nabob. Both alike derived their authority from the Emperor, and on the decline of the empire, the chief authority naturally fell into the hands of the English, who have henceforth appointed the Nabob. The evils of divided administration proved the same here as elsewhere, and the death of the Nabob just at this time giving the opportunity of a new arrangement, one was made similar to that in Mysore and Tanjore.

The settlement of the Carnatic was.a matter of far more importance. The government of Omdutul-Omrah, was not one whit better than that of his father, and he rejected all proposals for modifying the treaty of 1792; he even had the audacity to claim a share in the distribution of Tippoo's dominions, and positively refused to transfer any portion of his territory to the Company for the payment of their expenses for the defence of his country. But at this very time that he was acting in this high manner, documents were found in Tippoo's library, proving that both his father and himself had been in active and confidential correspondence with that prince, to whom they furnished both information and advice. The correspondence had been carried on through two vakeels who had attended Tippoo's sons to Madras. The papers and these men were examined by a commission composed of Col. Close, and of Mr. Webbe, Secretary to the Madras government, and though perhaps they did not suffice to convict the Nabobs of actual treachery, they clearly showed their feelings and wishes. The Governor-general was so con

vinced of this, that he resolved to deprive Omdutul-Omrah at once of his power; and he sent (May 28, 1801,) a despatch to that effect to Lord Clive, the governor of Madras, accompanied by a letter to the Nabob. But this last was on his death-bed when they arrived, and motives of humanity prevented the delivery of the letter. To preserve order and prevent plunder, a guard of the Company's troops was placed at the palace-gate with his knowledge and consent. He breathed his last on the 15th July. Mr. Webbe and Col. Close immediately proceeded to the palace, where they learned that the Nabob had by a will appointed his reputed son Ally Hussein his successor, with two confidential Khâns for his advisers. They had an interview with these Khâns, and at their desire further discussion was deferred till after the performance of the funeral. When it was over, the discussion was again renewed; the commissioners insisted on the transfer of the whole administration, the Khâns on the part of the Nabob's family made a counter-proposal. The commissioners then insisted on seeing Ally Hussein himself to this the Khans showed great reluctance; but in the next interview he appeared, and expressed his entire acquiescence in what the Khâns had done on his part. It was then declared that Lord Clive would hold a personal conference with him. The Khâns tried in vain to evade this ; and when they had retired to make preparations, Ally Hussein said in a low voice that he had been deceived by them. When the Khâns returned, the whole of the party proceeded to the tent of the officer of the guard, where they were met by Lord Clive. After the introduction, all were ordered to withdraw, and his Lordship explained every thing to Ally Hussein, who yielded a ready assent to the treaty proposed, and promised to execute it next day. He, however, had totally changed his mind when the deputies came next day to fetch him; and although Lord Clive when he saw him pictured to him in the strongest colours the fatal consequence of his persistence in that course, he was not affected, and he received unmoved the intelligence that he was not to be a Nabob. It was now determined that the dignity should be conferred on Azeem-ud-Doulah, the son of Ameerul-Omrah, second son of Mohammed Ally. this young prince was in the palace, and his life might be in danger, if the intentions of the British in his favour were known, the troops at the gateway were ordered to take possession of the palace. His safety was thus secured; and shortly after in an interview with Lord Clive, he was most agreeably surprised by the offer of being placed on the musnud. He gave a cheerful consent to the proffered terms, and readily signed the treaty giving them effect; and thus at length, after years of misery, the prospect of good government began to dawn on the Carnatic.

As

The folly of Ally Hussein may excite surprise. In his last interview with Lord Clive he acknowledged that he had been spoken to on the subject. And it is true; that vile brood of usurers and oppressors, the disgrace of the English name, that so long had battened on the misery of the Carnatic, left no effort untried to prevent the settlement of that country. It was they that had drawn up the counter-project, which, as the commissioners observed, had evidently been translated from a

western language; and in which the utmost care had been taken to exclude the Company from any share in the management of the funds destined for the payment of Mohammed Ally's debts. But they had no Warren Hastings now to uphold them, and they therefore failed most signally.

By a new treaty made at this time with the Nizâm, he transferred to the Company his late acquisitions in Mysore, in lieu of payment for the subsidiary force; an arrangement to the advantage of all parties, but most of all to that of the people of the ceded districts.

There now remained only the Nabob of Oude to be dealt with, and he proved a very troublesome person. Before however we come to him, we must conclude the history of his rival, Vizîr Ally. He had been allowed to reside at Benâres, but it being discovered that he was in communication with Zemân Shâh, Mr. Cherry, the agent, was instructed to inform him, that he must remove to Calcutta. He at first showed great reluctance, but soon ceased to object. Mr. Cherry had been often warned to be on his guard against him, as he had never forgiven the share he had had in his deposition; but he slighted the warnings. One morning Vizîr Ally came with his suite to breakfast with him. He soon began to expatiate on his wrongs, and then suddenly he and his followers fell on and murdered Mr. Cherry and Capt. Conway, who happened to be of the party. As they rushed out they met a Mr. Graham, whom they also slew. They then hastened to the house of Mr. Davis, the judge; but he placed himself with a spear at the head of a narrow staircase, and defended himself so well that he forced them to retire. Troops came now into the town. Vizîr Ally attempted to defend his house, which was forced, but not till he had made his escape. He sought refuge in Bhotwul, near Nepal; then having collected some troops, he made an irruption into Gorukpore; but being routed by the British there, he sought refuge with the rajah of Jyneghur, who surrendered him for a sum of money, only stipulating that his life should be spared, and that he should not be kept in chains. He was then closely imprisoned at Calcutta.

The condition of Oude caused well-grounded uneasiness to the Governor-general. Saadut Ally was a slave to avarice, and cared for power only as the means of gratifying that passion. His troops were a disorderly tumultuous rabble, with their pay always of course greatly in arrears. There was also in Oude the usual swarm of European adventurers, thinking only of their private gains, and giving the Nabob ruinous counsels. On the other hand, Oude was exposed to invasion by the Marattas, and Zemân Shâh was continually threatening to pour his hardy Afghans into the plains of India. In 1798 he had actually advanced as far as Lahore, when a rebellion, caused by his brother, recalled him home. The defence of Oude rested with the British; for the Vizîr's troops were worse than useless, and it therefore behoved them to see that their force in Oude should be adequate to that purpose.

In order to avert danger from the side of Câbul, the Governor-general resolved to try to form an alliance with the Shâh of Persia, and a splendid embassy, headed by Capt. Malcolm, proceeded to that country. A treaty was concluded, by which the Shâh engaged to lay waste, with a large army,

the country of the Afghans, if they should invade India. He also pledged himself not to allow the French in any way to enter his dominions.

With respect to the vizîr of Oude, Mr. Lumsden, the resident at his court, was instructed to urge the necessity of a reform of his military establishment, i. e. the disbanding of the whole of his troops, except those requisite for purposes of state and collection of revenue, to be replaced by a force entirely British. As Mr. Lumsden did not seem to possess the requisite energy of character for dealing with the vizîr, he was replaced in June by Col. Scott. During some months the vizîr kept the new resident in play. At length he intimated to him his wish to resign in favour of one of his sons, and retire into private life. This, however, did not meet the views of the Governor-general, who wished the resignation to be made in favour of the Company, more especially as none of his sons were legitimate. He also would require, he said, that as Saadut Ally had inherited his brother's treasure, he should pay that prince's debts before he retired. When the vizîr heard of these terms, he gave up his project, which possibly he had never seriously entertained.

A whole year had now passed away and nothing had been effected. It was therefore resolved to proceed at once to the reform of the army. Additional British troops were (1800) marched in, and, delicate as the matter was, the skill and prudence of the English agents, and their care to have the troops paid all their arrears in full, prevented any resistance, and by the end of the year the measure was accomplished. The vizîr now (1801) made another effort; he alleged that the revenues of the state were not such as would enable him to pay the subsidy for the British troops. The reply was, that in that case he must resign to the Company the Doab, (the region between the Jumna and Ganges,) and Rohilcund, and more if they were not sufficient. To this, after much evasion and delay, he consented, but with many conditions to which the British authorities could not accede; for he required to be quite independent in the remainder of his dominions, the British troops being all kept in the ceded districts; and by one article he would be left the power of plundering the Begums, and whomever else he pleased. When these were rejected, he tried to defer the business, by expressing his intention of going on a pilgrimage. In the month of September, the Governor-general, quite wearied out by delay, sent to Lucknow his brother and private secretary, Mr. Henry Wellesley, who at length (Nov. 14) was enabled to conclude a treaty by which the vizîr consented to receive in his reserved dominions a body of British troops, and to be guided by the advice of the officers of the Company in the exercise of his authority. Early in the following year (1802) the Governor-general proceeded in person to Lucknow, where the vizîr made an earnest but ineffectual effort to be relieved from the presence of a resident at his court. Mr. H. Wellesley was now placed, with the title of Lieut.-governor, at the head of a commission for settling the ceded provinces. Some refractory Zemindars were reduced by force, and the Nabob of Furrokabâd was placed on a footing similar to that of the Rajah of Tanjore, and Nabob of Arcot. Mr. Wellesley then departed for Europe.

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The whole of the Mohammedan states of India were thus brought under the direct influence of the Company, to the real and great advantage of the people, and even of their rulers. In proceeding as he had done, the Governor-general had two great objects in view; namely, the security of the British interests, and then the happiness of the people. That his views were those of a high statesman can hardly be questioned; but in the consciousness of superior talent, he was too fond of writing long state-papers, and endeavouring to show that he was proceeding according to the strict rules of European public law, instead of boldly avowing his real motives, and hence has laid himself open to attack. In fact, he was menaced with impeachment for the affair of Oude, and our Benthamite historian actually revels in the dissection of his reasonings, and becomes the zealous defender of Rajahs and Nabobs against the aggressive spirit of the Company's government; on which, however, (such is his real honesty,) he pronounces the following just eulogium. "I believe it will be found that the Company, during the period of their sovereignty, have done more in behalf of their subjects, have shown more of goodwill towards them, have shown less of a selfish attachment to mischievous powers lodged in their own hands, have displayed a more generous welcome to schemes of improvement, and are now more willing to adopt improvements, not only than any other sovereign existing in the same period, but than all other sovereigns taken together upon the surface of the globe."

We must now go back a little in our narrative.

When news of the overthrow of Tippoo reached England, the Governor-general was advanced a step in the peerage, and became Marquis Wellesley.

When the affairs of Mysore had been settled, a body of troops, part British, part native, was directed to assemble under Col. Wellesley at Trincomalee in Ceylon. It was the intention of the Governor-general to employ them in the reduction of the French islands, privateers from which had been doing incalculable damage to the British commerce. He requested Adm. Rainier, who commanded a British squadron in the Indian seas, to co-operate in the attack; but that officer, filled with the old professional jealousy, refused, on the pretext, that no such expedition should be undertaken, without the express command of the king; a principle that would put an end to all free-will, and all enterprise in the service. Lord Wellesley easily exposed its folly, and the authorities at home condemned it; but the occasion was lost, and British commerce continued to suffer.

Lord Wellesley was then thinking of employing these troops against Batavia, when orders from home came to send a force from India, to aid in expelling the French from Egypt. The native troops of the different presidencies cheerfully volunteered for this distant service; and a force of 7000 men, British and native, embarked at Bombay under the command of Gen. Baird. At Jidda they heard of the defeat of the French, and death of Gen. Abercrombie. They landed at Koseir, crossed the desert, and then went down the Nile in boats to the isle of Rhooda, whence they marched to Rosetta; but ere they arrived a treaty had been arranged with the French. In June,

1802, they embarked at Suez and returned to India, having thus served to give the world a high idea of the power and resources of England.

On new-year's day, 1802, Lord Wellesley wrote to the Court of Directors, tendering his resignation. In effect, he had met with treatment from that body which a man of his high spirit could not endure. Nor indeed could harmony have well been expected; for he was a nobleman and a statesman, while they could not divest themselves of the principles of the counting-house. They had become sovereigns, and yet they would act as Lerchants.

Lord Wellesley had increased the army, a measure of absolute necessity; the Directors sent a peremptory order for its reduction, which he wisely disobeyed. He gave his brother, Col. Wellesley, when left to command in Mysore, such additional allowances as he deemed suitable; the Court ordered them to be reduced. He had appointed his other brother, and other men of capacity, to situations of trust; and the Court, assuming a power which it did not possess, insisted on displacing them, and nominating others in their place.

But it was not merely that his enlarged views of polity went far beyond the limited vision of the Directors, his measures had excited the anger of a powerful, and deeply selfish body, who had great influence in the Court-the ship-owners of London. For, finding that the tonnage allotted to private merchants in the Company's ships was quite insufficient, beside being uncertain and dreadfully expensive, he permitted the merchants of Calcutta to take up ships on their own account, for carrying Indian goods to England. As these ships were Indian-built, the Company and the ship-owners trembled for their respective monopolies, and became virulently hostile to the Governor-general, who, however, was supported by the Board of Control.

The foundation of the college of Fort William was another measure which transcended the ideas of the Directors, and therefore met with their most strenuous opposition.

The duties of the servants of the Company in India were no longer what they had been originally. Formerly they had only to act as clerks and factors, now they were required to discharge the duties of statesmen and judges, as residents at native courts, as collectors of the revenue, as presidents of courts of justice. It appears plain to common sense, though Lord Wellesley seems to have been the first to perceive it, that the mere reading, writing, and arithmetic education of the old writer would no longer suffice, and that a knowledge of the languages, laws, and institutions of India was now become absolutely requisite. To give this and other appropriate branches of knowledge, the Governor-general, whose own mind was richly stored with the literature of the west, and all whose ideas were vast and magnificent, erected a college at Fort William, whither he proposed that all the young men destined for the three Presidencies should be sent, and where, under the guidance of two pious clergymen, they should be subjected to academic discipline, while their minds should be enlarged, and their hearts strengthened by instruction in ethics, history, jurisprudence, and international law, and be taught the requisite

oriental languages by competent native instructors. But the Directors were both affrighted and offended; they ordered the immediate abolition of this splendid institution, and would only permit of meagre establishments at the three Presidencies, for teaching the common dialects of the country. Lord Wellesley's plan was certainly too vast, and was liable to many objections; but he had made it evident that a change of system was indispensable, and the Company afterwards founded a college in England for the proper instruction of their young civilians.

At the request of both the Court of Directors and the Board of Control, Lord Wellesley consented to remain some time longer in India, and he soon had abundant occupation for his time and talents.

CHAPTER IV.

Affairs of the Marattas-Treaty of Bassein-Commencement of Maratta War-Sindia's French Troops-Capture of Ahmednugur, Baroach, and Alyghur-Battle of Delhi -Delivery of the Emperor-Capture of Agra-Battle of Laswaree Of Assye-Capture of Asseerghur-Battle of Argâm-Capture of Gawylghur-Treaties with the Rajah of Berar and Sindia.

THERE were now, in reality, only two powers in India, the English and the Marattas. The former was united under one system, and one hand, and had the support of a powerful empire, and the advantages of European knowledge; the latter was divided into a number of independent, and sometimes hostile states, and had only the degree of knowledge hereditary in the east. In any conflict, and such was sure to come, the final result conld hardly be doubtful.

Lord Wellesley, to avert the danger of collision, had been anxious to induce the Peishwa, as head of the Maratta name, to form a subsidiary treaty with the British government. That prince was at this time, however, merely a puppet in the hands of Sindia, now the most potent of the Maratta chiefs; for the power of the Holkar family had nearly ceased. In 1797, Tukajee Holkar died, leaving two legitimate, and two illegitimate sons. The two former disputing the succession, repaired to Poona, where Sindia murdered one, and made the other his dependent, he also possessed himself of the infant child of the murdered prince. But Jeswunt Râo Holkar, one of the remaining sons, having made his escape from Poona, contrived to collect an army of adventurers, and proclaimed his infant nephew, and on the 14th October, 1801, he gave Sindia battle near Indore, the capital of the Holkar family, at the head of nearly 70,000 men. But he was routed, and fled, with the loss of his artillery and baggage. He, however, speedily repaired the disaster, and in the following year he marched with a large force for Poona.

The Peishwa was anxious to emancipate himself from the power of Sindia, but at the same time he had a strong dislike to becoming a dependent on the British. He therefore refused to consent to the proposed treaty until after the defeat of Holkar, and the augmented power of Sindia, when he

A. D. 1803.

offered to subsidize six battalions, but not to be stationed in his dominions, and to assign territory in Hindustân for their payment. As he really had no territory north of the Nerbudda, and there were other objections, this treaty was rejected. The negotiation then languished, till Holkar was within a short distance of Poona. The Peishwa then sent to the resident, Col. Close, offering to agree to the troops being stationed within his territory, and to assign for their maintenance a district bordering on the Toombudra. A few days after (October 25, 1802) the troops of the Peishwa and Sindia gave battle to those of Holkar. The Peishwa, to be prepared for the event, moved out of the city with the banner of the empire, and at the same time sent his minister to the resident with the subsidiary treaty, and his seal affixed to it. After a sharp conflict of some hours, victory remained with Holkar. The Peishwa fled to the fort of Singhur, and thence to the coast, whence he was finally conveyed in a British ship to Bassein (December 16). He was there joined by Col. Close, who had remained some time at Poona, where he was treated with great respect by Holkar, and on the last day of the year the subsidiary treaty was signed and sealed.

The British were now to put the Peishwa in possession of his dominions. For this purpose the whole subsidiary force of the Nizâm's territories, and a portion of his own troops, marched to the frontier town of Porainda, within 116 miles of Poona. It was then joined (April 15, 1803) by a large detachment of the Madras army, under Major-gen. (late Col.) Wellesley, to whom the chief command had been assigned by Lord Clive. The whole force now numbered about 24,000 foot, and 12,000 horse. Holkar had retired from Poona, leaving there a garrison of 1500 men. reported that it was their intention to plunder and burn the town on the approach of the British, and Gen. Wellesley, in order to prevent this, made a march of sixty miles in thirty-two hours, and arrived unexpectedly before Poona. The garrison retired when he appeared (April 20), and soon after (May 13) the Peishwa, accompanied by Col. Close, re-entered his capital.

It was

It was a great object with Lord Wellesley to induce Sindia to agree to a treaty, similar to that with the Peishwa. For this purpose Col. Collins had been sent to the camp of that prince, which was now at Bûrhampûr, in the Deckan. Sindia thence moved to meet the army of the rajah of Berâr, accompanied at his own desire by Col. Collins, to whom, in a conference he said, "After my conference with the rajah of Berâr, you shall know whether it will be peace or war." These chiefs met on the 4th June, and after various fruitless efforts to obtain explicit answers from them, the resident quitted Sindia's camp on the 3rd August, and war with the confederates commenced.

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Berâr, which would give to the British the whole line of coast from Bengal to Cape Comorin. According to Lord Wellesley's usual and generous practice, both commanders were vested with the fullest powers, either for war or negotiation.

The French corps of Sindia's, which had become so important, had been originally formed by a man named De Boigne, a native of Savoy, who, having entered the French service, had afterwards passed to that of Russia. Having become acquainted with Lord Percy, he afterwards proceeded to Madras, furnished with letters from that nobleman to Lord Macartney, and to Mr. Hastings. He there entered the service of the Nabob of Arcot, but he soon went to Bengal, and telling Hastings that his object was to explore Cashmere and the shores of the Caspian, he proceeded to Lucknow, with letters from him to the vizîr and the resident. He, however, stopped there, and engaged in trade; but soon after he entered the service of Sindia, to whom he was strongly recommended by the resident, Mr. Anderson. He disciplined for him two battalions, which were found so effectual, that the number was finally raised to twenty; and all Sindia's victories had been gained by their discipline and prowess. These battalions were officered by both French and Englishmen ; they were formed into three brigades, whose commanders were named Perron, Pedrons, and Sutherland. Some years later, De Boigne, who had amassed a fortune of, it is said, 400,000l., quitted the service of Sindia, and returned to Europe, and the chief command then fell to Perron.

Perron had come to India as a common sailor, in a French ship of war. He had entered De Boigne's corps, and had risen by his talent. As in the usual way districts had been assigned to the former for the support of his troops, Perron succeeded to them, and he consolidated his power, and extended his influence so much, that he had, as Lord Wellesley says, "founded an independent French state on the most vulnerable part of the Company's frontier," namely, on the banks of the Jumna.

The two British armies took the field simultaneously, early in August. On the 8th, Gen. Wellesley appeared before Ahmednugur: and

on the refusal of the killidar to surrender, the pettah was carried, and a battery was opened against the fort (10th). Two days after (12th) it surrendered, and Sindia thus lost all his territory south of the Godâveri. A few days later (29th) the town and fort of Baroach, on the Nerbudda, were taken by a force sent against it, under Col. Wordington.

On that very day (29th) Gen. Lake crossed Sindia's frontier from Canouj, and proceeded to attack a part of Perron's corps which was stationed near Alyghur. The British cavalry, supported by the infantry and the guns, advanced against it; but the enemy fled without venturing to receive their charge. An attempt to bribe Pedrons, who commanded in Alyghur, to surrender, having failed, preparations were made for the attack of that fort; and ere break of day, on the 4th September, the storming party, led by Col. Monson, advanced against it. Though exposed to a destructive fire, they succeeded in blowing open the first gate; they forced a second, and a third; at the fourth they could only force the wicket, but they made