home-government to interfere, recalled Sir H. Jones, who was ordered by the ministry not to obey; he also sent Col. Malcolm back to Persia, and both remained at Tehrân till 1810, when Sir Gore Ousley came from England as ambassador. Sir George Barlow was, as we have stated, at this time governor of Madras. He had here many difficulties to contend with, and they were augmented by his own arbitrary uncomplying temper. The Nabob of Arcot's debts, that fruitful source of mischief, was one of the principal. As the Company was now, to discharge them, it was resolved to examine more closely into them, and in 1805, commissioners to sit in England, with others to collect evidence at Madras, were appointed. These last were, for obvious reasons, selected from the civil service of Bengal. The commission sat for a period of five and twenty years, the amount of claims, real and fictitious, was upwards of thirty millions sterling; that of those which were admitted to be valid, little more than two and a half millions! A man named Reddy Râo, who had been the late Nabob's principal accountant, was much in favour with the commissioners. When he produced a bond which he himself held, another native creditor named Papia denied its authenticity, and a magistrate on his charge committed Reddy Râo for trial. As the commissioners regarded this as a mere trick to deprive them of essential assistance, the government at their desire directed the law-officers of the Company to conduct his defence. On the trial the chief justice charged strongly in his favour, but the jury found him guilty. Mr. Batley, one of his witnesses, was then prosecuted for perjury, and the jury convicted him also. Reddy Rao was now charged with having paid a debt to another native with a forged bond, knowing it to be such, and he was again found guilty. The chief-justice, fully convinced in his own mind of the innocence of both defendants, instead of passing sentence referred the evidence to the king, terming the defendants "not objects of his mercy, but suitors for his justice;" in fact as the victims of a conspiracy. A pardon accordingly was granted; but ere it reached Madras, Reddy Rao had poisoned himself. It appears that the juries had been right, that his bond was a forgery, and that he had been engaged in sundry fraudulent transactions. Some unpleasant events occurred at this time in Travancore. The rajah, who had been taken into a subsidiary alliance, had had four battalions of the company's troops quartered on him. The subsidy having fallen into arrear, he applied to have the force reduced; and it really was far beyond what was requisite. The resident, Col. Macauley, in return, called on the rajah to reduce a body of his troops, named the Carnatic Brigade; but he looked on this as the annihilation of his dignity and authority, and declined compliance. In all this affair the rajah's adviser and instigator had been his dewan, Vyloo Tambee; and the resident therefore insisted on his removal. The dewan affected willingness to resign, but in secret he organized an insurrection of the Nairs, the military class; he engaged the dewan of Cochin also in the plot, and wrote letters to the surrounding rajahs, to induce them to share in it. The resident, aware of what was in contemplation, applied for reinforcements of troops; but before they could arrive, his house was surrounded one night (Dec. 28) by a body of armed men, and on his going to the window he was fired at. Before they broke in, he managed to conceal himself, and their search for him proved fruitless. In the morning, they saw a vessel with British colours enter the harbour, and others standing for it. At this sight they fled, and the resident got safely on board the vessel, which proved to be one of those that were bringing troops from Malabar. Col. Chalmers, who commanded at Quilon, lost no time in attacking the Nairs, who were in arms in his vicinity. He was successful in his operations; but they received such accessions from the south that he found it necessary to remain on the defensive, though joined by the king's 12th under Col. Picton. On the 15th January, 1809, the dewan, at the head of from 20,000 to 30,000 men, with 18 pieces of cannon, attacked the British lines before daybreak. But, after a conflict of five hours, he was driven off with a loss of 700 men and 15 guns. A few days after (19th), he made an attempt on the post of Cochin, held by Major Hewitt. Being again repulsed, he spread his forces on the landside, and covered the sea with boats, in order to cut off supplies; but a frigate, with the resident on board, came and anchored off the town, and her boats quickly destroyed his flotilla. The dewan, shortly after, was guilty of two atrocities, which deprive him of all claim to our sympathy. An assistant-surgeon, named Hume, being taken as he was travelling by night, was brought before him; and though he knew him personally, and had been benefited by his skill, he ordered him to be put to death. A small vessel, with thirty men of the 12th on board, having touched at Alepi, they were induced to land by the friendly assu rances of the people, and they were immediately made prisoners, and were murdered, by order of the dewan. The government of Madras now found it necessary to make more vigorous exertions. Col. Cuppage, who commanded at Malabar, was ordered to march his troops to Cochin, and join Col. Chalmers; and Col. St. Leger was directed to move with a force from Trichinopoly, and enter Travancore on the south. As the most practicable passes of the western Ghâts are near the southern extremity of the peninsula, this officer selected one of them, named the Arambûli pass. This pass was secured by strong lines passing from mountain to mountain, and fortified by redoubts. But in one night (Feb. 10) the British troops carried the whole of them, and entered Travancore. They met with little or no opposition: Col. Chalmers (19th) sent out two columns under Cols. Picton and Stuart, which attacked and carried the enemy's fortified camp near Quilon; Col. Cuppage entered from the north, and thus the whole country was now in the hands of the British. The resident now proceeded to the capital, and formed a new treaty with the rajah, by which he was to pay up all arrears, and the expenses of the war, disband the Carnatic Brigade, and some Nair battalions that he had, and leave the defence of his country to the subsidiary force. A new dewan was appointed; and he pursued his unfortunate predecessor, who had sought a refuge in the mountains, with such vigour, that he was forced to betake himself to a pagoda, which was an ancient sanctuary. But his pursuers, though Hindoos, violated it, and forced A. D. 1809. MUTINY OF OFFICERS OF MADRAS ARMY. their way to a chamber to which he and his brother had retreated. They found the dewan expiring of wounds, probably self-inflicted. The brother was taken, and was hanged, in the presence of the 12th regiment, in the murder of whose companions he had been implicated. The resident gratified a paltry feeling of revenge, and which was strongly condemned by the governor-general, by causing the body of the dewan to be exposed on a gibbet. 155 The government now suspended Col. Capper and Major Boles, the adjutant, and dep.-adjutant-general, for having circulated the late general order. They pleaded the duty of military subordination; but in vain. Capper then sailed for England, but he also was lost on the passage. Boles refused to acknowledge his error; addresses were forwarded to him from the different divisions of the army, approving of his conduct, and proposing to raise The reader will recollect the mutiny of the offi- for him by subscription an income, equal to what cers in Bengal, suppressed with such vigour by he had lost. On the 1st May, the government Lord Clive. A similar mutiny now took place in issued a general order, containing a copious list of the Madras army. In this service, discontent had removals, suspensions, etc., in which appeared the prevailed for some time; the officers were dis- names of Cols. St. Leger, Chalmers, and Cuppage. pleased that the means of acquiring fortunes with The officers of the Hyderabâd force were inwhich to return to Europe, were now so limited; vidiously praised in this document, for their refusal they were jealous of the favour which they fancied to participate in these proceedings; but they was shown to those of the king's service, and pos- scorned the distinction, and to prove their sinsibly the recollection of the notorious Sir Robert cerity, published a letter to the army and the susFletcher, led them to think that they might mutiny | pended officers, declaring their resolution to make with impunity. common cause with them; and an address to the Governor, calling on him to restore those officers, as the only means of preventing the loss of the British empire in India. The troops at Masulipatam were now in actual insurrection, and it was arranged that they should unite with those at Jalna and at Seringapatam, and marching to Madras, compel the restoration of the officers, and depose the Governor. As early as 1807 Col. St. Leger had distinguished himself by exciting this spirit of discontent; but an agitator of higher rank had lately appeared on the scene. Sir J. Cradock had been succeeded as commander-in-chief by Lieut.-gen. Macdowal, of the royal service. But the Court of Directors refused to give him a seat in the council, which his predecessor had held, and, in consequence, he resigned his command, expressing himself on the occasion in terms of great bitterness; and he lost no opportunity of fomenting the discontent of the officers. What the double batta question had been in Bengal, an allowance, named the Tent-contract, proved in the Carnatic. This was a permanent monthly allowance to the officers commanding native corps, for which they were to provide their men with suitable camp-equipage whenever it should be required. That this should have been greatly abused can need no proof to any one conversant with the history of the English in India; and its abolition had therefore been recommended by Sir J. Cradock. It had been approved of by the governments of both Madras and Bengal, and it now fell to Sir G. Barlow to carry it into execution. The officers, unwilling to part with, yet unable to deny the defects of, this system, sought for some pretext to justify their opposition. The matter having been referred originally to Col. J. Munro, the quarter-master-general, he had drawn up a report on it, in which, beside the general objections, he had stated some which were capable of individual application. Those who thought themselves meant, called on the commander-in-chief to bring him to a court-martial; but finding that it could not legally be done, they resolved to appeal to the Court of Directors. Gen. Macdowal, just before he left Madras for England, affecting to have received competent advice, placed Col. Munro under arrest. The government, on his appeal, commanded him to be liberated; the commanderin-chief did not dare to disobey, but, ere he sailed (Jan. 30), he published a general order, stating that his departure alone prevented his bringing Col. Munro to trial for various military offences. The government published next day a very intemperate public order, in reply; and Gen. Macdowal, having flung the torch of discord, sailed for England, which he never reached, the vessel having gone down on the voyage (1809). Sir G. Barlow had brought matters to this dangerous state, by his want of temper and of judgment; for it was now a personal quarrel between him and the officers. He was urged to rescind the orders, but he refused, and perhaps was right in so doing, for it would have been yielding to intimidation. All the officers were not engaged in the plot; he was sure of support from Bengal; the king's troops could be relied on; and the native troops in general had declared, that they would obey none but the government. The efforts made to separate their men from them, so much irritated the officers at Seringapatam, that they rushed into actual rebellion. They drove the king's troops out of the fort, and prepared to defend it. Troops were marched against them, and two battalions that were coming to their aid from Chittledroog, were fallen on by the dragoons (Aug. 11), and dispersed with no small loss. In the night the fort cannonaded the cantonments of the troops, but without injury. In Hyderabâd matters had come nearly to the same pass. Col. Close, who had come thither from Poona, tried in vain to bring the officers to a sense of their duty. They summoned the troops from Jalna and Masulipatam, and the former had actually made two days' march, when the officers at Hyderabad at length saw their conduct in its true light. They wrote a penitential letter to Lord Minto, now at Madras; they signed the test that had been proposed, and wrote to the other stations, calling on their brother officers to do the same. Their example was every where followed, and tranquillity was thus restored. Four officers were cashiered by sentence of a court-martial, and sixteen were dismissed the service; all the rest were pardoned. CHAPTER VII. Interference with Native States-Expedition to the Persian THOUGH the system of non-interference with the An Arab tribe, named the Joasmis, who dwelt on the coast westwards of Cape Musendom, along the Persian gulf, had long been notorious for piracy. They had hitherto avoided attacking British ships; but of late they had begun to attack them also, and it was now deemed expedient to administer some chastisement. In the month of September an expedition sailed from Bombay, which, after dispersing a fleet of their daos, or small vessels, attacked and took their principal town, Ras-el-Khaima. All the houses, the warehouses filled with valuable goods, and a great number of their largest daos were burnt. Their other forts were also destroyed, and the navigation of the gulf became secure for some years to come. A still more distant and important expedition was soon undertaken. To those who are not aware of by how little wisdom the world is governed, it may seem strange that the French had been suffered for so many years to hold undisturbed possession of the Isles of France and Bourbon, into which their vessels of war continually carried the English Indiamen, or vessels engaged in the country-trade. On the contrary, strict injunctions had been given to the authorities in India not to attempt their reduction, on account of the expense. The value of the captures had, however, of late opened the eyes of the ministry a little, and they gave permission for more active measures. The blockade of the ports was first thought of, and the little isle of Rodriguez was seized, and made a depôt for the supply of the blockading squadron. But this plan proving useless, it was finally resolved to make an attempt to reduce the Isle of Bourbon. A small force, under Lieut.-col. Keating, sailed from Rodriguez, and landed in that island (Sept. 20) near St. Paul, the chief town on the western side. They seized, unperceived, two of the principal batteries; at the third, they encountered a resolute resistance, but they were finally successful, and became masters of the town, and the shipping in the harbour, including a frigate of forty-six guns. A convention was now concluded, by which all the public property was surrendered to the English, who then departed with it, and the captured shipping. The success of this expedition induced Lord Minto to attempt the reduction of the whole of the French islands. Early in 1810, a large reinforcement was sent to Col. Keating, for another attempt on the Isle of 8 During the government of Lord Hastings, it was found necessary to send another expedition against Khaima. Bourbon. On the 6th July they reached the north side of that island, near St. Denis, the capital; the troops were divided into four brigades, of which one, under Col. Fraser, was to land at Grande Chaloupe, some miles to the west of the town; and the other three, under Col. Keating, at Rivières de Pluies, to the east of it. Owing to the violence of the surf, only a part of the last was able to effect a landing; they seized a battery, and secured themselves for the night. Meantime, Col. Fraser had landed without loss, and pushed on and occupied the heights to the west of St. Denis. Next morning (8th), the greater part of the remainder of the troops made a landing at Grande Chaloupe, but before they could advance the prize had been won. Col. Fraser had descended the hill, charged with the bayonet the French, who were drawn up in two columns in the plain, supported by a strong redoubt, and routed them. At four o'clock in the afternoon a flag of truce was sent from the town; and when the rest of the troops had come up, and preparations were made for storming, a surrender of the island, with the troops and public property, was made to the British. The Isle de Bourbon was thus captured with hardly any loss; but the British naval force was now to experience some unusual disasters. Three French frigates having run into the harbour of Grand Port in the Isle de France, four English frigates resolved to attack them there. But from want of pilotage, the vessels having grounded, and being exposed to the fire of both the French ships and batteries, one was forced to strike her colours, two were burnt by the British themselves, and the fourth was obliged a day or two after to surrender to a squadron that came round from St. Louis, the capital. On the 29th Nov. an expedition composed of troops from Bengal and Madras, counting about 11,000 men, commanded by Gen. Abercrombie, landed in Grande Baye, about fifteen miles north of St. Louis, and immediately commenced their march for that town. Having made their way with difficulty through a wood, they bivouacked for the night, and next morning resumed their march. But the excessive heat and the want of water obliged them to halt five miles from St. Louis, in the bed of the Pamplemousse river. In the morning (31st) the march was again resumed. Gen. Decaen, the governor, though he had only 2000 Europeans including the crews of ships, beside the colonists, and the blacks, resolved to give them battle. But one charge of the English flank battalion put them to flight. Before evening the formal surrender of the island was effected, and thus terminated the last remnant of French domi nion in the East. As Holland now formed a part of the French empire, it became necessary to reduce her oriental possessions also. The home-government had, with its usual wisdom, only sanctioned blockade, but Lord Minto and Adm. Drury deemed it both wiser and safer to attempt their conquest. In February 1810, a small expedition arrived off Amboyna, and after a brief resistance it capitulated. In the course of the year, the Banda islands and Ternate also were reduced, and nothing now remained to the Dutch in the East but Java, which it was determined to attack as soon as the troops should have returned from the Isle of France. A. D. 1811. CAPTURE OF JAVA-DECOITY. On the 1st June, 1811, the troops intended for the expedition were assembled at Malacca under the command of Sir Samuel Achmuty; Lord Minto had accompanied those from Bengal, but only, as he expressed it, as a volunteer. On the 4th August it anchored in the bay of Batavia. It consisted of 12,000 men, half English, half Indian; the Dutch troops in the island, native and European, were about 17,000, of which Gen. Jansens, the governor, had posted 13,000 in the lines of Cornelis, a strong position eight miles from Ba tavia. The landing was effected without opposition, and the city of Batavia submitted (7th); and thence on the third day the troops marched for Cornelis. On the way they found a portion of the Dutch army strongly posted; but they were unable to withstand the charge of the British, and they broke and fled, their loss being very severe. The British followed them to Cornelis. Here the main body of the enemy lay in an entrenched camp between two rivers, protected in front and rear by batteries and redoubts mounting 280 pieces of artillery. The situation was so strong, that Gen. Jansens had no doubt but that he would be able to hold out till the rainy season should arrive, and sickness oblige the English to retire. Ground was broken as before a fortress (20th), and batteries were erected and a heavy cannonade was carried on for some days; but it soon became apparent that the place must be carried by storm, if a tedious course of warfare was to be avoided. It was, therefore, resolved that a division under Col. Gillespie should make an attempt to carry the bridge over the river Slokan, and the redoubt in front of it, while two other attacks should be made on the enemy's lines in front and rear. On the night of the 26th, Col. Gillespie set out; as he had to take a round through an intricate country it was almost daylight when he came near the redoubt. He then discovered that the rear division had fallen behind; but instead of waiting for it he resolved to advance at once, trusting that the noise of the firing would bring it up. The redoubt and bridge were speedily carried, the rear-guard came up as was expected; other redoubts to the right and left were carried also; the division which was acting in front forced their way in; all resistance was.speedily overcome, and the enemy fled, pursued by Col. Gillespie with the dragoons and horse artillery for a space of ten miles. The British loss was nearly 900 killed and wounded, including 85 officers. The enemy had, it is said, upwards of 1500 slain, and 6000 were made prisoners. That day decided the fate of Java; for though Gen. Jansens attempted to make another stand in the. eastern part of the island, he was forced to capitulate, and Java became a British possession. Lord Minto then returned to Bengal, having committed the government of Java to Mr. (afterwards Sir Stamford) Raffles, under whom it attained a degree of quiet and prosperity, such as it had never before enjoyed. During the remainder of the period of Lord Minto's government, his attention was devoted to the internal improvement of the country. Of the measures adopted we can only mention those for the suppression of Decoity, or gang-robbery, which had of late increased to an alarming extent. The Decoits bore an extraordinary resemblance 157 to the Whitefeet, Ribbonmen, and suchlike of Ireland, with the exception that their chief object was plunder. They formed a society, the chief members of which were fully known only to their sirdars or chiefs. During the day they worked like the rest of the people at trades or agriculture; at night they repaired with arms to the place appointed: the number of a gang varied from ten to sixty, according to circumstances. Having made an offering to Durga, the goddess of thieves, they blackened their faces or put on masks, and then marched with lighted torches to the village where they proposed to rob some money-changer or shopkeeper, or to take vengeance on some one who had given information against a member of their society. On entering the village they fired a shot as a signal for the villagers to keep at home. They then surrounded the house of their victim, which some of them entered. Unless it was a case of vengeance, or that they met with resistance, they seldom committed murder; but the tortures which they inflicted in order to get information where property was concealed were appalling and often caused death. They then retired, and in the morning were seen about their usual avocations. Though the peasantry often knew well who were Decoits, they feared to give information, and fear or corruption also restrained the police. The government, by improving the efficacy of the police, and by rendering more certain the rewards for information, succeeded in giving a great check to Decoity. In the province of Bundwân, of which Mr. Butterworth Bayley was made magistrate in 1810, the practice was almost totally suppressed within a few months by having recourse to the ancient police system of the country: but this example was not followed, for our Indian governments are in general too full of their own wisdom to adopt the usages of the Hindoos. While such was the course of affairs in India, the question of the renewal of the Company's charter was agitated in England, and the cupidity and selfishness of the various parties was displaying itself under the garb of philanthropy, and regard for the public interest. Toward the end of 1808, Mr. Dundas wrote to the Directors, to know if they wished the question of the Charter to be brought before Parliament. In their reply they asserted the right of the Company to its territorial possessions, and expressed an expectation that they would be allowed to increase their dividends, and that the country would aid them to liquidate their debt. They said nothing about their exclusive privilege, but seemed to take it for granted that it would be continued. We thus see that they had a view to their peculiar interests. Mr. Dundas in reply denied their right to the territory of India; thought that any surplus revenue should go first to the liquidation of the debt rather than the increase of dividends, and added that the charter would only be renewed on condition of the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain being allowed to trade in ships of their own to all places within the limits of the Company's exclusive trade, China excepted. This system the Directors pronounced to be ruinous to the Company and country alike, and hinted that they would not seek a renewal of the Charter. Matters remained thus till toward the end of 1811, when the court, in reply to a letter from Mr. Dundas (now Lord Melville), agreed to open the trade, and in April 1812, they petitioned for a renewal of their charter, on these terms. It is probable that the chief opponents of the Company had on this, as on former occasions, been the merchants of London; for though exports were to he permitted from all the ports, the imports were all to be brought to the capital, the merchants and shipowners of which expected to derive thence great advantages. But Liverpool, Bristol, and the other out-ports as they are named, claimed the right of import also, and sent up delegates to London; and petitions to parliament against the Company's monopoly poured in from every trading and manufacturing town in the empire. It is actually amusing to view the brilliant prospects that are held forth by commercial men, when their object is the extension of their own trade; and how utterly heedless they are of the interests, not merely of strangers, but of other classes of their countrymen; they drive on their free-trade car like that of Juggernâth, crushing all before it 9. But their anticipations are rarely, or never verified; they have not in general accurate notions of the real condition of other countries, and of the disturbing causes likely to arise; and, strange as it may appear, they are as much under the influence of imagination as poets or lovers. Owing, perhaps, to want of regular education, and of correct taste, they love to indulge in figures of speech, and their language teems with personifications. The following extract, which Thornton gives from a petition from Sheffield at this time, will illustrate what we have stated. "If the trade of this United Kingdom were permitted to flow unimpeded over those extensive, luxuriant, and opulent regions, though it might in the outset, like a torrent repressed and swoln by obstructions, when its sluices were first opened break forth with uncontrollable impetuosity, deluging, instead of supplying the district before it; yet that very violence, which at the beginning might be partially injurious, would in the issue prove highly and permanently beneficial: no part being unvisited, the waters of commerce that spread over the face of the land, as they subsided would wear themselves channels, through which they might continue to flow ever afterwards, in regular and fertilizing streams." The simple meaning of this sonorous rhapsody is, that though they might at first glut (as they know they would) the new markets, yet things might end in the establishment of a regular trade. But such high-flown language from the cutlers of Sheffield ! Whatever we may think of the language, the reasoning, and the motives of the members of commercial leagues of this kind, it seems certain that in this country they are tolerably sure to carry their point; and there only remains for those who see their objects, to smile at their disappointed expectations. The Company, on this occasion, made 9 As an instance of the justice and philanthropy of manufacturers, we may take the trade in cotton-goods. While Manchester and other towns were struggling in the formation of silk and cotton-manufactories, they were protected by a duty of seventy or eighty per cent. ad valorem, in some cases by a total prohibition, against the competition of India, on which their goods have since been forced without any duty at all, nearly to the ruin of the native artizans. as hard a battle as they could; Warren Hastings, and many other distinguished men who had been in India, asserted the danger of the proposed measures but the pressure from without was too strong for the ministry to resist it, and by the bill passed in July, 1813, for the renewal of the Company's charter, the trade of the East, with the exception of that to China, was thrown open to the merchants of Great Britain. As most of the witnesses had expressed their apprehension of the evils likely to arise from the great influx of European colonists into India, and their oppression and robbery of the natives, the power of granting licenses for residence was reserved to the Company1. But there was another party in the country who acted on far purer and higher motives than merchants, and whom the ministers found it necessary to conciliate. The greater part of the last century had been a period of extreme religious laxity; but the serious tone induced by the awful war in which England was engaged with the French republic, had led men's minds to think more deeply on the subject of religion; and numbers, both of the clergy and laity, had returned to the sterner faith held by the reformers, and from which the Church of England in general had departed. This party now held many seats in parliament; and as their principles led them to regard salvation as confined to the holders of certain tenets, they became anxious for the spiritual welfare of their brethren in India, and for the conversion of the benighted natives. Their cause was ably advocated by Mr. Wilberforce in the House of Commons; and by a clause in the bill, it was resolved to appoint a bishop and three archdeacons, to superintend the chaplains of the different settlements in India; and the entrance of missionaries into that country was to be facilitated. Lord Minto had written in 1811, expressing his wish to leave India in January, 1814. The ministry, who with wonderful self-denial had allowed one connected with the party opposed to them in politics, to retain for so long a time so high and lucrative an office, could refrain no longer. The Earl of Moira, a nobleman high in the favour and confidence of the Prince Regent, partly from ambi tion, and partly, we believe, from narrowness of circumstances, was covetous of the government of India, and the Directors were forced to appoint him. As he was a military man, he was, like Lord Cornwallis, made also commander-in-chief, to increase his authority and his emoluments. Lord Minto quitted India toward the close of 1813, and he died the year of his return to England. His character stands high among those of 1 European colonisation is a great panacea with Mill for the evils of India. He expatiates on the advantages which might be derived "from a body of English gentlemen, who, if they had been encouraged to settle as owners of land, and as manufacturers and merchants, would at this time have been distributed in great numbers in India." "The permission," says Wilson, "has been now granted them for several years, and where is the numerous body of respectable English landholders, who are to render inestimable services to the government, in preserving the peace of the country!" -one of Mill's predictions. On another place Wilson observes; "An importance is here attached to the admirable effects of colonisation, which it is safe prophecy to foretel will never be realised; for colonisation never will, never can take place." |