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A. D. 1809.


their way to a chamber to which he and his brother had retreated. They found the dewan expiring of wounds, probably self-inflicted. The brother was taken, and was hanged, in the presence of the 12th regiment, in the murder of whose companions he had been implicated. The resident gratified a paltry feeling of revenge, and which was strongly condemned by the governor-general, by causing the body of the dewan to be exposed on a gibbet.

The reader will recollect the mutiny of the officers in Bengal, suppressed with such vigour by Lord Clive. A similar mutiny now took place in the Madras army. In this service, discontent had prevailed for some time; the officers were displeased that the means of acquiring fortunes with which to return to Europe, were now so limited; they were jealous of the favour which they fancied was shown to those of the king's service, and possibly the recollection of the notorious Sir Robert Fletcher, led them to think that they might mutiny with impunity.

As early as 1807 Col. St. Leger had distinguished himself by exciting this spirit of discontent; but an agitator of higher rank had lately appeared on the scene. Sir J. Cradock had been succeeded as commander-in-chief by Lieut.-gen. Macdowal, of the royal service. But the Court of Directors refused to give him a seat in the council, which his predecessor had held, and, in consequence, he resigned his command, expressing himself on the occasion in terms of great bitterness; and he lost no opportunity of fomenting the discontent of the officers. What the double batta question had been in Bengal, an allowance, named the Tent-contract, proved in the Carnatic. This was a permanent monthly allowance to the officers commanding native corps, for which they were to provide their men with suitable camp-equipage whenever it should be required. That this should have been greatly abused can need no proof to any one conversant with the history of the English in India; and its abolition had therefore been recommended by Sir J. Cradock. It had been approved of by the governments of both Madras and Bengal, and it now fell to Sir G. Barlow to carry it into execution. The officers, unwilling to part with, yet unable to deny the defects of, this system, sought for some pretext to justify their opposition. The matter having been referred originally to Col. J. Munro, the quarter-master-general, he had drawn up a report on it, in which, beside the general objections, he had stated some which were capable of individual application. Those who thought themselves meant, called on the commander-in-chief to bring him to a court-martial; but finding that it could not legally be done, they resolved to appeal to the Court of Directors. Gen. Macdowal, just before he left Madras for England, affecting to have received competent advice, placed Col. Munro under arrest. The government, on his appeal, commanded him to be liberated; the commanderin-chief did not dare to disobey, but, ere he sailed (Jan. 30), he published a general order, stating that his departure alone prevented his bringing Col. Munro to trial for various military offences. The government published next day a very intemperate public order, in reply; and Gen. Macdowal, having flung the torch of discord, sailed for England, which he never reached, the vessel having gone down on the voyage (1809).


The government now suspended Col. Capper and Major Boles, the adjutant, and dep.-adjutant-general, for having circulated the late general order. They pleaded the duty of military subordination; but in vain. Capper then sailed for England, but he also was lost on the passage. Boles refused to acknowledge his error; addresses were forwarded to him from the different divisions of the army, approving of his conduct, and proposing to raise for him by subscription an income, equal to what he had lost. On the 1st May, the government issued a general order, containing a copious list of removals, suspensions, etc., in which appeared the names of Cols. St. Leger, Chalmers, and Cuppage. The officers of the Hyderabâd force were invidiously praised in this document, for their refusal to participate in these proceedings; but they scorned the distinction, and to prove their sincerity, published a letter to the army and the suspended officers, declaring their resolution to make common cause with them; and an address to the Governor, calling on him to restore those officers, as the only means of preventing the loss of the British empire in India. The troops at Masulipatam were now in actual insurrection, and it was arranged that they should unite with those at Jalna and at Seringapatam, and marching to Madras, compel the restoration of the officers, and depose the Governor.

Sir G. Barlow had brought matters to this dangerous state, by his want of temper and of judgment; for it was now a personal quarrel between him and the officers. He was urged to rescind the orders, but he refused, and perhaps was right in so doing, for it would have been yielding to intimidation. All the officers were not engaged in the plot; he was sure of support from Bengal; the king's troops could be relied on; and the native troops in general had declared, that they would obey none but the government.

The efforts made to separate their men from them, so much irritated the officers at Seringapatam, that they rushed into actual rebellion. They drove the king's troops out of the fort, and prepared to defend it. Troops were marched against them, and two battalions that were coming to their aid from Chittledroog, were fallen on by the dragoons (Aug. 11), and dispersed with no small loss. In the night the fort cannonaded the cantonments of the troops, but without injury. In Hyderabâd matters had come nearly to the same pass. Col. Close, who had come thither from Poona, tried in vain to bring the officers to a sense of their duty. They summoned the troops from Jalna and Masulipatam, and the former had actually made two days' march, when the officers at Hyderabâd at length saw their conduct in its true light. They wrote a penitential letter to Lord Minto, now at Madras; they signed the test that had been proposed, and wrote to the other stations, calling on their brother officers to do the same. Their example was every where followed, and tranquillity was thus restored. Four officers were cashiered by sentence of a court-martial, and sixteen were dismissed the service; all the rest were pardoned.


Interference with Native States--Expedition to the Persian Gulf-Capture of Isle of Bourbon-Naval Disasters-Capture of Isle of France-Of Java-Decoity-Renewal of Company's Charter.

THOUGH the system of non-interference with the native states was now the avowed policy of the Company's government, Lord Minto had too much sense not to see the danger of too rigorous an adherence to it. Accordingly, when Ameer Khan, for Holkar was now insane, made an irruption into Berâr, British troops were sent to the aid of the rajah. In like manner, the government interfered to prevent the Peishwa from oppressing some of his jagheerdars.

An Arab tribe, named the Joasmis, who dwelt on the coast westwards of Cape Musendom, along the Persian gulf, had long been notorious for piracy. They had hitherto avoided attacking British ships; but of late they had begun to attack them also, and it was now deemed expedient to administer some chastisement. In the month of

September an expedition sailed from Bombay, which, after dispersing a fleet of their daos, or small vessels, attacked and took their principal town, Ras-el-Khaima. All the houses, the warehouses filled with valuable goods, and a great number of their largest daos were burnt. Their other forts were also destroyed, and the navigation of the gulf became secure for some years to come 8.

A still more distant and important expedition


was soon undertaken. To those who are not aware of by how little wisdom the world is governed, it may seem strange that the French had been suffered for so many years to hold undisturbed possession of the Isles of France and Bourbon, into which their vessels of war continually carried the English Indiamen, or vessels engaged in the country-trade. On the contrary, strict injunctions had been given to the authorities in India not to attempt their reduction, on account of the expense. The value of the captures had, how ever, of late opened the eyes of the ministry a little, and they gave permission for more active The blockade of the ports was first thought of, and the little isle of Rodriguez was seized, and made a depôt for the supply of the blockading squadron. But this plan proving useless, it was finally resolved to make an attempt to reduce the Isle of Bourbon. A small force, under Lieut.-col. Keating, sailed from Rodriguez, and landed in that island (Sept. 20) near St. Paul, the chief town on the western side. They seized, unperceived, two of the principal batteries; at the third, they encountered a resolute resistance, but they were finally successful, and became masters of the town, and the shipping in the harbour, including a frigate of forty-six guns. A convention was now concluded, by which all the public property was surrendered to the English, who then departed with it, and the captured shipping. The success of this expedition induced Lord Minto to attempt the reduction of the whole of the French islands. Early in 1810, a large reinforcement was sent to Col. Keating, for another attempt on the Isle of

8 During the government of Lord Hastings, it was found necessary to send another expedition against Khaima.

Bourbon. On the 6th July they reached the north side of that island, near St. Denis, the capital; the troops were divided into four brigades, of which one, under Col. Fraser, was to land at Grande Chaloupe, some miles to the west of the town; and the other three, under Col. Keating, at Rivières de Pluies, to the east of it. Owing to the violence of the surf, only a part of the last was able to effect a landing; they seized a battery, and secured themselves for the night. Meantime, Col. Fraser had landed without loss, and pushed on and occupied the heights to the west of St. Denis. Next morning (8th), the greater part of the remainder of the troops made a landing at Grande Chaloupe, but before they could advance the prize had been won. Col. Fraser had descended the hill, charged with the bayonet the French, who were drawn up in redoubt, and routed them. At four o'clock in the two columns in the plain, supported by a strong afternoon a flag of truce was sent from the town; and when the rest of the troops had come up, and preparations were made for storming, a surrender of the island, with the troops and public property, was made to the British.

hardly any loss; but the British naval force was The Isle de Bourbon was thus captured with French frigates having run into the harbour of now to experience some unusual disasters. Three Grand Port in the Isle de France, four English frigates resolved to attack them there. But from being exposed to the fire of both the French ships want of pilotage, the vessels having grounded, and and batteries, one was forced to strike her colours,

two were burnt by the British themselves, and the fourth was obliged a day or two after to surrender to a squadron that came round from St. Louis, the capital.

On the 29th Nov. an expedition composed of 11,000 men, commanded by Gen. Abercrombie, troops from Bengal and Madras, counting about landed in Grande Baye, about fifteen miles north of St. Louis, and immediately commenced their march for that town. Having made their way for the night, and next morning resumed their with difficulty through a wood, they bivouacked

march. But the excessive heat and the want of Louis, in the bed of the Pamplemousse river. In water obliged them to halt five miles from St. the morning (31st) the march was again resumed. Gen. Decaen, the governor, though he had only 2000 Europeans including the crews of ships, bethem battle. But one charge of the English flank side the colonists, and the blacks, resolved to give battalion put them to flight. Before evening the formal surrender of the island was effected, and thus terminated the last remnant of French dominion in the East.

As Holland now formed a part of the French empire, it became necessary to reduce her oriental possessions also. The home-government had, with Lord Minto and Adm. Drury deemed it both wiser its usual wisdom, only sanctioned blockade, but and safer to attempt their conquest. In February and after a brief resistance it capitulated. In the 1810, a small expedition arrived off Amboyna, course of the year, the Banda islands and Ternate the Dutch in the East but Java, which it was also were reduced, and nothing now remained to determined to attack as soon as the troops should have returned from the Isle of France.

A. D. 1811.


On the 1st June, 1811, the troops intended for the expedition were assembled at Malacca under the command of Sir Samuel Achmuty; Lord Minto had accompanied those from Bengal, but only, as he expressed it, as a volunteer. On the 4th August it anchored in the bay of Batavia. It consisted of 12,000 men, half English, half Indian; the Dutch troops in the island, native and European, were about 17,000, of which Gen. Jansens, the governor, had posted 13,000 in the lines of Cornelis, a strong position eight miles from Batavia.

The landing was effected without opposition, and the city of Batavia submitted (7th); and thence on the third day the troops marched for Cornelis. On the way they found a portion of the Dutch army strongly posted; but they were unable to withstand the charge of the British, and they broke and fled, their loss being very severe. The British followed them to Cornelis. Here the main body of the enemy lay in an entrenched camp between two rivers, protected in front and rear by batteries and redoubts mounting 280 pieces of artillery. The situation was so strong, that Gen. Jansens had no doubt but that he would be able to hold out till the rainy season should arrive, and sickness oblige the English to retire.

Ground was broken as before a fortress (20th), and batteries were erected and a heavy cannonade was carried on for some days; but it soon became apparent that the place must be carried by storm, if a tedious course of warfare was to be avoided. It was, therefore, resolved that a division under Col. Gillespie should make an attempt to carry the bridge over the river Slokan, and the redoubt in front of it, while two other attacks should be made on the enemy's lines in front and rear. On the night of the 26th, Col. Gillespie set out; as he had to take a round through an intricate country it was almost daylight when he came near the redoubt. He then discovered that the rear division had fallen behind; but instead of waiting for it he resolved to advance at once, trusting that the noise of the firing would bring it up. The redoubt and bridge were speedily carried, the rear-guard came up as was expected; other redoubts to the right and left were carried also; the division which was acting in front forced their way in; all resistance was.speedily overcome, and the enemy fled, pursued by Col. Gillespie with the dragoons and horse artillery for a space of ten miles. The British loss was nearly 900 killed and wounded, including 85 officers. The enemy had, it is said, upwards of 1500 slain, and 6000 were made prisoners. That day decided the fate of Java; for though Gen. Jansens attempted to make another stand in the. eastern part of the island, he was forced to capitulate, and Java became a British possession. Lord Minto then returned to Bengal, having committed the government of Java to Mr. (afterwards Sir Stamford) Raffles, under whom it attained a degree of quiet and prosperity, such as it had never before enjoyed.


to the Whitefeet, Ribbonmen, and suchlike of Ireland, with the exception that their chief object was plunder. They formed a society, the chief members of which were fully known only to their sirdars or chiefs. During the day they worked like the rest of the people at trades or agriculture; at night they repaired with arms to the place appointed: the number of a gang varied from ten to sixty, according to circumstances. Having made an offering to Durga, the goddess of thieves, they blackened their faces or put on masks, and then marched with lighted torches to the village where they proposed to rob some money-changer or shopkeeper, or to take vengeance on some one who had given information against a member of their society. On entering the village they fired a shot as a signal for the villagers to keep at home. They then surrounded the house of their victim, which some of them entered. Unless it was a case of vengeance, or that they met with resistance, they seldom committed murder; but the tortures which they inflicted in order to get information where property was concealed were appalling and often caused death. They then retired, and in the morning were seen about their usual avocations. Though the peasantry often knew well who were Decoits, they feared to give information, and fear or corruption also restrained the police. government, by improving the efficacy of the police, and by rendering more certain the rewards for information, succeeded in giving a great check to Decoity. In the province of Bundwân, of which Mr. Butterworth Bayley was made magistrate in 1810, the practice was almost totally suppressed within a few months by having recourse to the ancient police system of the country but this example was not followed, for our Indian governments are in general too full of their own wisdom to adopt the usages of the Hindoos.



While such was the course of affairs in India, the question of the renewal of the Company's charter was agitated in England, and the cupidity and selfishness of the various parties was displaying itself under the garb of philanthropy, and regard for the public interest.

Toward the end of 1808, Mr. Dundas wrote to the Directors, to know if they wished the question of the Charter to be brought before Parliament. In their reply they asserted the right of the Company to its territorial possessions, and expressed an expectation that they would be allowed to increase their dividends, and that the country would aid them to liquidate their debt. They said nothing about their exclusive privilege, but seemed to take it for granted that it would be continued. We thus see that they had a view to their peculiar interests. Mr. Dundas in reply denied their right to the territory of India; thought that any surplus revenue should go first to the liquidation of the debt rather than the increase of dividends, and added that the charter would only be renewed on condition of the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain being allowed to trade in ships of their own to all places within the limits of the Company's exclusive trade, China excepted. This system the Directors pronounced to be ruinous to the Company and country alike, and hinted that they would not seek a renewal of the Charter.

Matters remained thus till toward the end of 1811, when the court, in reply to a letter from Mr.

During the remainder of the period of Lord Minto's government, his attention was devoted to the internal improvement of the country. Of the measures adopted we can only mention those for the suppression of Decoity, or gang-robbery, which had of late increased to an alarming extent.

The Decoits bore an extraordinary resemblance

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Dundas (now Lord Melville), agreed to open the trade, and in April 1812, they petitioned for a renewal of their charter, on these terms. It is probable that the chief opponents of the Company had on this, as on former occasions, been the merchants of London; for though exports were to he permitted from all the ports, the imports were all to be brought to the capital, the merchants and shipowners of which expected to derive thence great advantages. But Liverpool, Bristol, and the other out-ports as they are named, claimed the right of import also, and sent up delegates to London; and petitions to parliament against the Company's monopoly poured in from every trading and manufacturing town in the empire.

It is actually amusing to view the brilliant prospects that are held forth by commercial men, when their object is the extension of their own trade; and how utterly heedless they are of the interests, not merely of strangers, but of other classes of their countrymen; they drive on their free-trade car like that of Juggernâth, crushing all before it. But their anticipations are rarely, or never verified; they have not in general accurate notions of the real condition of other countries, and of the disturbing causes likely to arise; and, strange as it may appear, they are as much under the influence of imagination as poets or lovers. Owing, perhaps, to want of regular education, and of correct taste, they love to indulge in figures of speech, and their language teems with personifications. The following extract, which Thornton gives from a petition from Sheffield at this time, will illustrate what we have stated.

"If the trade of this United Kingdom were permitted to flow unimpeded over those extensive, luxuriant, and opulent regions, though it might in the outset, like a torrent repressed and swoln by obstructions, when its sluices were first opened break forth with uncontrollable impetuosity, deluging, instead of supplying the district before it; yet that very violence, which at the beginning might be partially injurious, would in the issue prove highly and permanently beneficial: no part being unvisited, the waters of commerce that spread over the face of the land, as they subsided would wear themselves channels, through which they might continue to flow ever afterwards, in regular and fertilizing streams." The simple meaning of this sonorous rhapsody is, that though they might at first glut (as they know they would) the new markets, yet things might end in the establishment of a regular trade. But such high-flown language from the cutlers of Sheffield !

Whatever we may think of the language, the reasoning, and the motives of the members of commercial leagues of this kind, it seems certain that in this country they are tolerably sure to carry their point; and there only remains for those who see their objects, to smile at their disappointed expectations. The Company, on this occasion, made

9 As an instance of the justice and philanthropy of manufacturers, we may take the trade in cotton-goods. While Manchester and other towns were struggling in the formation of silk and cotton-manufactories, they were protected by a duty of seventy or eighty per cent. ad valorem, in some cases by a total prohibition, against the competition of India, on which their goods have since been forced without any duty at all, nearly to the ruin of the native artizans.

as hard a battle as they could; Warren Hastings, and many other distinguished men who had been in India, asserted the danger of the proposed measures: but the pressure from without was too strong for the ministry to resist it, and by the bill passed in July, 1813, for the renewal of the Company's charter, the trade of the East, with the exception of that to China, was thrown open to the merchants of Great Britain. As most of the witnesses had expressed their apprehension of the evils likely to arise from the great influx of European colonists into India, and their oppression and robbery of the natives, the power of granting licenses for residence was reserved to the Company1.

But there was another party in the country who acted on far purer and higher motives than merchants, and whom the ministers found it necessary to conciliate. The greater part of the last century had been a period of extreme religious laxity; but the serious tone induced by the awful war in which England was engaged with the French republic, had led men's minds to think more deeply on the subject of religion; and numbers, both of the clergy and laity, had returned to the sterner faith held by the reformers, and from which the Church of England in general had departed. This party now held many seats in parliament; and as their principles led them to regard salvation as confined to the holders of certain tenets, they became anxious for the spiritual welfare of their brethren in India, and for the conversion of the benighted natives. Their cause was ably advocated by Mr. Wilberforce in the House of Commons; and by a clause in the bill, it was resolved to appoint a bishop and three archdeacons, to superintend the chaplains of the different settlements in India; and the entrance of missionaries into that country was to be facilitated.

Lord Minto had written in 1811, expressing his wish to leave India in January, 1814. The ministry, who with wonderful self-denial had allowed one connected with the party opposed to them in politics, to retain for so long a time so high and lucrative an office, could refrain no longer. The Earl of Moira, a nobleman high in the favour and confidence of the Prince Regent, partly from ambition, and partly, we believe, from narrowness of circumstances, was covetous of the government of India, and the Directors were forced to appoint him. As he was a military man, he was, like Lord Cornwallis, made also commander-in-chief, to increase his authority and his emoluments.

Lord Minto quitted India toward the close of 1813, and he died the year of his return to England. His character stands high among those of

1 European colonisation is a great panacea with Mill for the evils of India. He expatiates on the advantages which might be derived "from a body of English gentlemen, who, if they had been encouraged to settle as owners of land, and as manufacturers and merchants, would at this time have been distributed in great numbers in India." "The permission," says Wilson, "has been now granted them for several years, and where is the numerous body of respectable English landholders, who are to render inestimable services to the government, in preserving the peace of the country?" -one of Mill's predictions. On another place Wilson observes; "An importance is here attached to the admirable effects of colonisation, which it is safe prophecy to foretel will never be realised; for colonisation never will, never can take place."

A. D. 1814.

the Governors-general for uprightness, disinterestedness, and firmness, combined with moderation. He was also a man of cultivated mind and taste, and a zealous promoter of learning, both European and Asiatic.



The first division, under Gen. Ochterlony, composed of 6000 men, was to act against the extreme west of the Goorkha line. The second, of 3500 men, under Gen. (late Col.) Gillespie, was to move more eastwards, and advance against Jytak, one of the principal fortresses of the enemy in those parts; the third, of 4500 men, under Gen. J. S. Wood, was to march from the frontier of Gorukhpûr for the fortress of Palpa; while the fourth, and largest, of about 8000 men, under Gen. Marley, was to advance by Mawanpûr, direct on Khatmandu.

The second division was the first to take the field. On the 19th October, its advance marched from Saharanpûr, and the main body followed on the 22nd. They moved through the Doon, or valley of Dehra, and came before the fort of Kalunga, only five miles from that Doon, situated on a steep detached hill. The fort was of stone, and quadrangular, and in the usual Goorkha manner strengthened by stockades. Its garrison consisted of 600 Goorkhas, under a gallant chief, who returned a bold defiance to the summons to surrender. Cannon having been drawn up, and a battery erected, it was resolved to storm (31st). The troops were divided into four columns, and a reserve; and it was intended to assail the four sides of the fort simultaneously. But three of the columns having to make a circuit, had not arrived when the signal was given, and a sally of the garrison having been repelled by the remaining column, Gen. Gillespie thinking the place might be carried by escalade, ordered the men to advance to the assault. But As the dominions of the Goorkha princes ex- the fire of the fort proved too severe, and they tended for a length of 700 miles along the British were forced to retire. Gen. Gillespie then crying frontier, from the province of Delhi to that of that he would take the fort or lose his life, put himPurneah, in Bengal, and they were of a restless, self at the head of the remainder of the column, encroaching disposition, they had so early as 1785 and advanced against the gate. The men, however, begun to appropriate portions of the British terri-hung back; and as their gallant leader was waving tory. Frequent remonstrances were made, but to his sword to encourage them, a ball from the fort little purpose; and in 1809 it was found necessary shot him through the heart. A retreat was then to employ force, to drive them out of some lands ordered, and the troops withdrew to Dehra, to they had seized. The encroachments, however, wait for a battering-train from Delhi. When the were continued, and even on a greater scale; all train arrived (Nov. 24), the troops, led by Col. attempts at negotiation failed; and in 1814 both Mawbey, marched once more for Kalunga. A sides prepared for war. Some of the wiser Goorkha breach having been effected (27th), a storm was chiefs advised accommodation; but Bhim Sah, who attempted, but it was repelled with loss, the numas regent governed for the rajah, who was a ber of the killed and wounded exceeding that of minor, was resolved to try the fate of arms. His the garrison. Recourse was now had to bombardreliance was on the valour of his regular troops, ment; and as the interior of the fort afforded no though only 12,000 in number, the strength and shelter, the garrison was reduced in three days to difficulty of the country, the ignorance of the seventy men, with whom the commandant fled British respecting it, and their want of experience from the place. The gallant defence of Kalunga in mountain-warfare. greatly raised the courage of the Goorkhas, and had a material influence on the future events of the war, which might have been averted had Gen. Gillespie acted with common prudence, instead of headlong rashness.

The troops now moved westwards, and came within a few miles of the town of Nâhan, to the north of which the fort of Jytak lay, on the point where two mountain-ridges met. Here they were joined (Dec. 20) by Gen. Martindell, who took the command; and having occupied Nâhan, he advanced to the foot of the range on which Jytak stood. The ascent was extremely steep and rugged, and defended by stockades at various points. As it appeared that the garrison obtained their water from wells at some distance from the fort, it

Origin of Nepâlese War-Plan of the War-Failure at Kalunga-Capture of that Fort-Failure at Jytak-Operations of Gen. Ochterlony-Of the third Division-Of the fourth Division-Surrender of Malân-Invasion of Nepâl-Treaty

of Peace.

LORD MOIRA reached Calcutta early in October, 1813. In the course of the following year he had to engage in war with a people with whom the British had as yet had few relations.

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The kingdom of Nepâl is a valley, bounded on the south by the last and lowest range of the Himalaya mountains, by a loftier range of which on the north it is separated from Tibet. Its people are mostly of the Bhôt, or Tibetian race; but Hindoo colonies had settled in it, and their rajahs had made themselves sovereigns of the country. About the middle of the 18th century, the chief of a mountain tribe named the Goorkha, taking advantage of the feuds of the rajahs, made himself master of Nepal, and transmitted the sovereignty to his family.


The first question with Lord Moira was, whether the war should be defensive or offensive; and for obvious reasons the latter mode was preferred. The next was, whether the British troops should in one large body enter Nepâl, and march direct for Khatmandu, the capital, or make simultaneous attacks on the long line of the Goorkha conquests. In the former case, great and almost insuperable difficulties were apprehended in marching, and obtaining supplies for a large body of men in so rugged a country; while in the latter, it was to be expected that the chiefs and their people, who had been so recently subjugated, would take part with the British. The latter plan, therefore, was adopted; and it was determined to make the attack

with four divisions, on different points of the frontier.

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