The Shah of Persia now led an expedition in person against Candahâr (1648), and by judiciously selecting the winter season, when the communication with India was cut off by the snow, he forced it to open its gates before Aurungzîb, who was sent to its defence, could arrive. The prince made an attempt to recover it, but failed, and, when in the following year he renewed the attempt with a greater force, he was equally unsuccessful. The emperor's eldest son, Dârâ Shekô, then prevailed on his father to let him attempt the recovery of Candahar. He set out with a force much superior to any that had yet been employed (1653), but, with all the efforts of skill and courage that were made, the resistance of the Persian garrison could not be overcome. The siege was raised and Candahâr was lost to the Mogul empire for ever.

Two years of tranquillity ensued, during which Shâh Jehân, having completed a revenue survey of his possessions in the Deckan, which had been going on for twenty years, extended to that country the system of collection, devised by Tôdar Mal in the reign of his grandfather. During this period also died the vizir Saâd Ullah Khân, celebrated as the most able and upright minister that had ever been seen in India.

Aurungzîb had soon an opportunity of again appearing in the Deckan. Meer Jumla, the minister of the king of Golconda, having had a quarrel with his master, sought the protection of the emperor, who, at the desire of Aurungzîb accorded it, and sent a haughty message to the king of Golconda, and, when that prince refused obedience, Aurungzib was directed to employ force against him. Stratagem being more to the prince's taste than force, he set forth with a small body of troops, under the pretext of conveying his son Mohammed to Bengal, where he was to marry his cousin, the daughter of prince Shujâh, the governor of that province. As the way from Aurungabâd1 thither is by Masulipatâm, he thus came within a short distance of Hyderabâd, the capital of Golconda, and while the king was preparing an entertainment for him, he made so sudden an advance on the town, that the king had only time to fly to the hill-fort of Golconda. The town was plundered and partly burnt; troops which Aurungzîb had ready for the purpose advanced, and the king was finally obliged to submit to such terms as the victor was pleased to impose (1656). Immediately after, Aurungzib found a pretext for invading Bejapûr, and he would speedily have made a conquest of that kingdom, if more important matters had not drawn his

attention elsewhere.

Shah Jehân was now advanced in years. He had four sons, Dârâ Shekô, Shujâh, Aurungzîb, and Morâd. The first of these was a man of many estimable qualities, brave, liberal, frank, and generous, but impetuous, self-willed, and overbearing. Shujâh was devoted to wine and pleasure, but not devoid of talent. Morâd was dull in intellect, and a sensualist. Aurungzîb differed from them all. His temper was mild, his heart cold, he was cautious and suspicious, a great dissembler, artful and acute; at the same time he was handsome in person, brave, and affable. Above all, he was (though many suspected his sincerity) zealously

1 The ancient town of Gurka, a few miles from Douletabâd, had thus been named by Aurungzîb after himself.

devoted to the Mussulman creed, and he carefully practised all the external duties of religion. At one time he strongly professed an intention of quitting the world, and becoming a fakîr, i.e. devotee.

Shah Jehân had of late devolved much of his regal duties on Dârâ, as heir-apparent. A disease of the kidneys at this time having brought him to the brink of the grave, though Dârâ did all in his power to keep his condition a secret, his brothers were accurately informed of it. Shujâh, who was governor of Bengal, instantly assumed the royal title, put his troops in motion, and advanced into Bahar on his way to Agra. Morâd in like manner assumed independence in Gûzerât. The crafty Aurungzîb, though he refused obedience to the orders of Dârâ, did not assume royalty himself; but he resolved to make the stupid Morâd the ladder of his ambition. He wrote to him, congratulating him on his accession to the crown, at the same time declaring his own intention of renouncing the world, and retiring to Mecca. He would previously, however, he said, unite with him against the impious Dârâ 2, and join him to oppose the infidel rajah Jeswunt Sing, who it was understood had been sent against them. They should then, he added, together seek the presence of their father, free him from undue influence, and try to procure the pardon of their erring brother. Coarse and palpable as this artifice was, it sufficed to deceive Morâd (1657).

Meantime, Slâh Jehân had been able to resume the government, and the conduct of his other sons only served to increase his confidence in Dârâ. He wrote to Shujâh, enjoining him to return to his government immediately; but that prince, pretending to regard this as merely the order of Dârâ, continued to advance. The imperial troops, led by prince Solimân, the son of Dârâ, then gave him battle, and a defeat near Benâres forced him to return to Bengal. Meantime, Aurungzîb had joined Morâd in Malwa, and near Ujên they engaged and defeated the rajah Jeswunt Sing, whose brave Rajpûts were ill supported by the other troops. The victory was chiefly ascribed to the gallantry of Morâd. Aurungzîb at the time of their junction, had taken an oath of fidelity to this prince, and he all along acknowledged him and treated him as his superior, though the direction of all measures really lay with himself.

As the two princes continued to advance, the emperor, who had set out for Delhi, returned to Agra, and prepared to take the field in person, in the hopes of effecting an accommodation. He was, however, dissuaded from this course, from which no good seemed likely to result, and the impetuous Dârâ, without waiting for the troops of prince Solimân to join him from Benâres, set out, contrary to the injunctions of his father, to engage the rebels. The armies met within a day's march of Agra. The Rajpûts and a body of Uzbeg cavalry in the army of Dârâ distinguished themselves by their daring intrepidity, and Dàrâ himself exhibited the utmost gallantry. Morad displayed his accustomed heroism; the howdah of his elephant, which was long preserved as a curiosity, was stuck so full of the arrows of the Uzbegs as to resemble a porcupine, and, when his elephant was giving way before them, he 2 Dârâ held his grandfather's religious opinions.

A. D. 1658-59.

He

ordered his feet to be chained. Aurungzîb exhibited his usual intrepidity and coolness. urged his elephant wherever there appeared the greatest danger, crying to his troops, that "God was with them, and they had no other refuge or retreat." An event common in Indian warfare decided the battle. A rocket struck Dârâ's elephant, which growing unmanageable, he was obliged to descend and mount a horse. His troops fancied he was slain, a panic spread among them, they gave way, and speedily the whole army was in flight. Dârâ fled to Agra, but, ashamed to appear before his father, he continued his course for Delhi (1658).

Aurungzib, as soon as the victory was gained, threw himself on his knees and returned thanks to Heaven. He then sought the presence of Morâd, and congratulated him on his acquisition of a kingdom. On the third day after the battle they appeared before Agra, which offered no resistance. Aurungzîb continued sending messages to his father with the greatest professions of duty, pleading necessity for what he had done. Finding at length that the emperor was not to be drawn from the side of Dârâ, he sent his son Mohammed to take possession of the citadel in which he resided, and to prevent all communication between him and his friends. Thus ended the reign of Shâh Jehân. He survived his deposition seven years, during which time he was treated with attention and respect; for Aurungzîb was never wantonly cruel, and his conscience probably reproached him for what he had done.

Aurungzib, having now no further use for Morâd, got rid of him without much ceremony. As they were on their march against Dârâ, he invited him one day to supper. The wine circulated freely, Aurungzib himself drinking of it, contrary to his usual practice. Morâd became, as usual, intoxicated, and while he was in that condition his arms were removed and chains were laid on him. He was then placed on an elephant and conveyed a prisoner to Delhi; meanwhile, three other elephants were sent off in different directions to mislead his friends as to his place of confinement. He was afterwards transferred to Gwaliôr, the state prison of those days,

In this manner was terminated the reign of Shah Jehân, who, though inferior to Bâber and Akber, was one of the best sovereigns that India has ever possessed. At no time under the Mussulman dominion, was the country in so flourishing a state. It was filled with noble and prosperous cities; the police in general was good, justice was fairly administered, and internal tranquillity preserved. Still we must measure all these advantages by the Asiatic standard, and not expect the same degree of perfection as in modern Europe. India under Shah Jehân could not vie in these respects with the France and England of the present day; but it was far beyond Spain and Portugal, at any period, in political perfection.

The magnificence of Shâh Jehân exceeded any thing that had ever been witnessed in India, or perhaps in the East. His court and all relating to it exhibited the extreme of splendour. The celebrated peacock throne which he constructed is said to have cost nearly six and a half millions sterling. It derived its name from an artificial peacock, in which all the natural hues of the plumage were imitated in precious stones.

35

Shah Jehân built the new city of Delhi, in which the royal palace and the mosque named the Jumna Musjed are two of the most splendid edifices of the East. But his most magnificent work was the Tâj Mahal, a mausoleum erected for his queen at Agra. It is composed of white marble, richly adorned with mosaics of costly stone, and for elegance of design, correctness of taste, and value of material, is perhaps without a rival. It is gratifying to observe, that no oppression was employed to procure the means of erecting such stately structures, as the ordinary revenues of the empire proved fully sufficient to defray all the expenses; and when Shah Jehân ceased to reign the treasury contained a large quantity of money, beside plate and jewels.

CHAPTER XII.

AURUNGZÎB or ALUMGÎR I.-Fate of Dârâ-Of Shujâh-Of Solimân-Death of Meer Jumla-The Marattas-Malajee -Sêvajee-Progress of his Power-Aurungzîb's Treatment of him-His Regulations-Chout-The Sâdhs. AURUNGZÎB, on mounting the throne, assumed the title of Âlumgîr, or Conqueror of the World. His first operations were against Dârâ, who was now at Lahore; but on the approach of Aurungzib he fled thence toward Sind. His son Solimân, being deserted by his troops, sought a refuge with the rajah of Sirinugur, in the north of India, by whom he was placed in confinement. Shujâh, therefore, only remained to contest the throne.

The advance of this prince recalled Aurungzîb from the pursuit of Dârâ. Shujâh, having crossed the Ganges, was met by Aurungzîb; but they remained three days in presence of each other, neither willing to begin the action. On the fourth day, when Aurungzîb had drawn out his troops as usual before daybreak, he was surprised by a great uproar in his rear. This was caused by rajah Jeswunt Sing, who was now in his service, but who had secretly agreed with Shujâh that they should make a simultaneous attack, front and rear, on the army of Aurungzîb. But, though this attack produced great terror and confusion, it proved a failure, as Shujâh did not advance till after the sun was risen. Jeswunt, finding himself not supported, and fearing to have the whole army on him, drew off his troops and retired to some distance, and when he found that the battle, as was the case, had gone against Shujâh, he marched with all speed for his own country. Shujah, after his defeat, retired to Bengal, pursued by an army under prince Mohammed and Meer Jumla (1659).

Dârâ meantime had made his way to Gûzerât, where, the governor having declared in his favour, he became master of the province. He proposed to form a junction with Jeswunt Sing; but the crafty Aurungzib had succeeded in winning back that rajah to his side, and when Dârâ came within fifty miles of his residence he sent to tell him that he could not venture to join him. Dârâ, finding him immovable, advanced with his own troops into Ajmîr. He there fortified a position on the hills, and awaited the assault of Aurungzib, who soon arrived from Agra. After cannonading it for

three days, the emperor ordered a general assault. The governor of Gûzerât was slain, and his fall so disheartened Dârâ that he fled, and all his troops dispersed.

Eight days and nights of toilsome marching under a sultry sky, harassed by the incessant attacks of the savage tribes named Côlîs, brought Dârâ and the few that adhered to him to Ahmedabâd, the gates of which he found closed against him. He turned thence and made his way to Cutch, with the intention of seeking refuge with the Persians in Candahâr. He reached the district of Jûn, to the east of Sind, the chief of which, an Afghân, who had been under great obligations to him, received him with all demonstrations of kindness; but his only intention was to betray him, and watching his opportunity he made him a prisoner and conveyed him to Delhi.

Dârâ was led into Delhi mounted on an inferior elephant and in chains. He was conducted through the principal streets. The people vented their grief in tears and groans; but next day, when his betrayer the chief of Jûn appeared, they assailed him with tiles and stones, and his life was only saved by the vigorous interposition of the police. A few days after, a mock commission of members of the council and of lawyers sat on the case of Dârâ, and he was condemned to death as an apostate from the Mohammedan faith. Aurungzîb, with seeming reluctance, gave orders for the execution of the sentence. The executioners found Dârâ and his son cooking some lentils, the only food they would venture to touch for fear of being poisoned. Dârâ, guessing their purpose, snatched up the knife he had been using and defended himself manfully till he fell overpowered by numbers. His head was cut off and carried to Aurungzîb, his body was exposed to the public gaze on an elephant. Aurungzîb ordered the head to be placed on a platter, and washed and wiped in his presence. When he had thus assured himself that it was the real head of Dârâ, he began to weep and lament, and then ordered it to be placed in the tomb of Humâyun. Dârâ's son was sent a prisoner to Gwalior.

Meantime, operations were carried on against Shujâh; but prince Mohammed, displeased at seeing himself merely a puppet in the hands of Meer Jumla, went over to his uncle, who gave him his daughter in marriage. Soon after, however, he again deserted and returned to Meer Jumla's camp, where, by his father's orders, he was made a prisoner and sent to Gwaliôr. Meer Jumla then pressed on Shujâh and forced him to retreat to Dacca, whence he fled and sought refuge with the king of Aracân. He and his family perished in that country, but the circumstances of their fate are unknown (1660).

About this time the rajah of Sirinugur was induced to deliver up Dârâ's son Solimân. Like his unfortunate father, he was paraded through the city in chains on an elephant, and then brought before the emperor. His gallant presence moved many to tears, and his uncle himself affected to be moved. Soliman's only request was, that he might be beheaded at once, and not be subjected to the lingering torture of the poosta3. Aurungzîb bade

3 The poosta, as Bernier, quoted by Mill, says, was bruised poppies, steeped in water for a night. A large cup-full of

him not to fear, adding, that he was cautious, not cruel. Solimân also was sent to Gwaliôr. Some months after, Morâd was discovered in an attempt to make his escape from that fortress, where he also had been placed; and Aurungzîb having instigated the son of a man whom Morâd had put to death in Gûzerât to prosecute him for murder, a sentence of death was issued against him, and he was executed in prison.

The whole imperial family being now dead or in prison, Aurungzîb's only object of apprehension was his own general, Meer Jumla, who was commanding in Bengal. To give him occupation, he suggested to him the conquest of the kingdom of Assam, which lies to the east of that province in an extensive valley through which the river Burrampooter flows. Meer Jumla accordingly set out from Dacca (1662), conveyed his troops up the river in boats, and speedily reduced the country. He wrote in high terms to the emperor, announcing his conquest and his intention of advancing and opening the way to China. But the rainy season came on, supplies could not be procured, and the natives assailed his camp on all sides. This was succeeded by a pestilence among the troops, and the boastful general was obliged to order a retreat. He died before he reached Dacca, worn out by toil and disease (1663). The emperor gave his rank and honours to his son Ameen. 66 You," said he to him, "you have lost a father, and I have lost the greatest and the most dangerous of my friends."

A severe fit of illness now came to convince Aurungzîb of the uncertainty of both his life and his power. Various intrigues were immediately formed; some would restore Shâh Jehân, others secure the succession for the emperor's second son Moazzim, others for his third son Akber. But the courage and the constancy of Aurungzîb triumphed over all their machinations and awed them all to obedience. He then set out for Cashmire, in order fully to re-establish his health.

It was during the time of his residence in Cashmire that war first broke out between the Moguls and the Marattas, a people of the Deckan, who were destined to perform so important a part in the future history of India.

The country of the Marattas, commencing at the chain of mountains south of the Nerbudda, extended southwards to the parallel of Goa; the sea bounded it on the west; it was limited on the east by the river Wurda. A portion of the western Ghâts thus runs along it from north to south; the narrow tract between them and the sea is named the Côncan. The people are of the Hindoo religion, and all of low caste, as it is termed; but they probably are not of the Hindoo race *. In appearance and disposition they differ from the people of Hindûstân and from most of the other inhabitants of the Deckan. They are low in stature and mean in appearance; active, persevering, and crafty, never for an instant losing sight of their interest. Unlike the other peoples of India, they had no rajahs; their chiefs were merely hereditary this infusion was given the first thing in the morning, at

Gwalior, to the prince on whom it was intended to operate, and he got no food till he had swallowed it. Its effect was to make him gradually lose his strength and intellect, growing heavy and stupid, and thus dying by degrees. According to Bernier, Solimân did get this fatal beverage.

4 See above, p. 3

A. D. 1662-65.

heads of villages or of larger districts. Their name does not occur in the Mohammedan histories till toward the end of the fifteenth century. About the middle of the sixteenth the king of the adjoining realm of Bejapoor began to employ the Maratta instead of the Persian language in his finances, and he enlisted many of them in his army, where they soon displayed their aptitude as light cavalry. The other kings also employed them; but it was not until the time of Malik Amber that they began at length to be of importance in the Deckan.

The principal man among the Marattas, at this time, was a chief, named Jadoo Râo, who claimed for himself a Rajpût descent, though probably without reason. There was serving under him a Maratta of respectable family, named Mâlojee Bôsla, and on occasion of some great Hindoo festival he went to Jadoo's house accompanied by his son Shahjee, a boy of five years of age. During the merriment, Jadoo took up on his knees Shahjee and his own daughter, a child three years old, and said, laughing, "They are a fine couple, and ought to be man and wife." Mâlojee instantly started up, and called the company to witness that the daughter of Jadoo was betrothed to his son. The pride of the chief was offended, and a quarrel was the result. Fortune, however, soon smiled on Mâlojee; he rose to power under the Ahmednugur government, and obtained a jagheer, of which the chief place was Poonah, and Jadoo no longer refused to give his daughter to Shahjee.

Shahjee also distinguished himself. He entered the service of the king of Bejapoor, and he obtained a large jagheer in Mysore. As he still held that of Poonah, he took his eldest son with him to Mysore, leaving at Poonah his second son Sevajee under the charge of a Bramin, named Dadajee, who had the management of the jagheer. As the young Sevajee grew up, he displayed a character of great spirit and energy, and at sixteen he was beyond the control of Dadajee. His chief associates were his father's horse-soldiers and the people of the neighbouring Ghâts, and by constant hunting in them he became intimately acquainted with all the passes and defiles of these mountains; and he was strongly suspected of being concerned in many robberies committed in the Côncan. His love of adventure was further increased by the popular ballads of the country, to which he used to listen with delight.

On the death of the Bramin, Sevajee took possession of the jagheer of Poonah, and ceased to make remittances to his father. He soon felt himself sufficiently strong to rebel against the king of Bejapoor, and he made himself master of the northern Côncan. The king immediately threw Shahjee into prison as a hostage for his son, and he was told that the door of his dungeon would be built up if Sevajee did not submit within a limited period. Sevajee then immediately entered the service of Shah Jehân, and through that monarch's influence Shahjee was set at liberty. In 1655, when Aurungzib was sent to the Deckan, and was acting against the king of Golconda, Sevajee was so audacious as to plunder the Mogul provinces ; but, when he saw the prince more successful than he had anticipated, he sued for pardon, and was forgiven. When Aurungzîb quitted the Deckan to obtain the throne (1658), Sevajee prosecuted the contest with the king of Bejapoor, whom he finally

37

obliged to make peace with him on advantageous terms (1662). He now maintained an army of 50,000 horse and 7000 foot.

Sevajee began once more to ravage the possessions of the Moguls, and Shâista Khân, who commanded for the emperor in the Deckan, marched against him, defeated his troops, and took possession of Poonah. He took up his quarters in the house in which Sevajee had been reared, and the latter, who was in the adjacent hill-fort of Singhar, resolved to endeavour to derive advantage from his knowledge of the localities. Leaving Singhar one night after dark, and posting parties along the road to support him if needful, he, with twenty-five of his men, joined a marriage procession, and thus entered the town. He made direct for the house, and entered it by a back-door. Shâista had barely time to escape by letting himself down from his bedroom window, and he lost two of his fingers by a cut of a sword made at him as he descended. His son and his attendants were cut to pieces. Sevajee retired unmolested, and he ascended in triumph to Singhar amid the blaze of torches. To this day, the Marattas tell of this exploit of Sevajee's with exultation..

Sevajee had now ascertained that it was as light cavalry that the Marattas could be employed to most advantage, and, acting on this persuasion, he placed himself at the head of 4000 horsemen, and made a dash for the wealthy sea-port of Surat. His project was completely successful, the town was defenceless, and he plundered it for six days. His attempts on the factories of the Europeans were repelled; but he carried off an ample booty in security. He even aspired to form a maritime power; he fitted out vessels, with which he captured the Mogul ships trading from Surat and other ports; and on one occasion he embarked with 4000 men, and landed and plundered Barcelôr in Canâra, a wealthy sea-port belonging to Bejapoor.

The attack on Surat (which was regarded as a place of some sanctity, as it was there the pilgrims embarked for Mecca), and the capture of some vessels laden with pilgrims, roused the indignation of the bigoted Aurungzîb. His ire was further inflamed, when Sevajee, on the death of his father, assumed the title of rajah, and began to coin money —the mark of independent sovereignty.

A Mogul army took the field against him, and siege was laid to his two principal forts. Feeling it more for his interest to submit than to persist in a resistance which would probably be hopeless, he opened a negotiation with the imperial commander, and then, quitting his troops, went with a few attendants to his camp. He was received with much distinction, and a treaty was concluded. Of thirty-two forts which he held, he agreed to surrender twenty with their territory; the remaining twelve with his other possessions he was to hold as a jagheer, and his son Sambajee, a boy only five years old, was to receive the rank of a commander of 5000 in the imperial service. Sevajee was also to have a kind of per-centage on the revenue of each district under Bejapoor. The emperor wrote a letter confirming all these terms except the last, which was not mentioned. Sevajee then joined the imperial army in its operations against Bejapoor, and then, by special invitation. went to wait on the emperor at Delhi (1665).

Aurungzib, though an able and a subtle man, was

not a wise monarch. Instead of seeking to attach to himself a man of Sevajee's talents and character by honours and attention, he tried to humble him by making him feel his supposed insignificance. Accordingly, when he was about to enter Delhi, an officer of inferior rank was sent to meet him. In the imperial presence, when he had made his obeisance and offered his presents, no further notice was taken of him, and he was placed among the officers of the third rank. Unable to control his feelings, he stepped back and fell down in a swoon. When he recovered, he called on them to take his life as they had taken away his honour, and retired without taking leave or receiving the usual dress of honour. The emperor, who was not prepared for this spirited conduct, ordered him to be closely watched. Sevajee, whose only thoughts were now how to make his escape, began by asking permission to send away his Marattas, as the climate of Delhi, he said, did not agree with them. This was readily granted, as it seemed to leave him quite at the emperor's mercy. He next took to his bed, pretending sickness, and by means of the Hindoo physicians who attended him he kept up a communication with those whom he had sent away. He also adopted the practice of sending large quantities of provisions and sweetmeats to the devotees of both religions; and when his guards had thus become accustomed to the passage of large baskets, he one night, leaving a servant to occupy his bed, got into one himself, and placed his son in another, and thus passed out unperceived. A horse was prepared, which he mounted, taking his son behind him, and then made his way to Muttra. Leaving his son there with a friend, he shaved off his hair and whiskers, and assumed the disguise of a Hindoo devotee, and, after wandering about for the space of nine months, he at length contrived to reach the Deckan (1666). In this country the imperial arms had not been successful against Bejapoor, and the consequence was, that Sevajee not merely obtained forgiveness and peace from the emperor, but even another jagheer, and his title of rajah was confirmed. He then turned his arms against the kings of Golconda and Bejapoor, and forced them to agree to pay him an annual tribute.

A period of tranquillity succeeded, during which Sevajee formed civil and military regulations for his dominions. The collecting and managing of the revenues was committed exclusively to Bramins, and measures were devised to preserve the cultivators from oppression, and the government from fraud. The army was raised and paid by the prince; the pay was high, but all plunder was to belong to the state. The officers were in regular gradation, from heads of ten up to heads of five thousand. These held no jagheers, but, like their men, received pay from the government.

The object of Aurungzîb in giving such favourable terms to Sevajee had been to throw him off his guard, and thus to get him once more into his power. But the Maratta was too wary to be thus caught, and the emperor was obliged to declare open war against him; a measure of which Sevajee speedily made him repent. He surprised the fort of Singhar, plundered Surat once more, and spread his ravages over the province of Candêsh. It is on this occasion that we first hear of the Chout, afterwards so famous in Maratta history. This, like

the well-known Blackmail of the Scottish Highlanders, was a tribute paid for forbearance; it was a fourth part of the revenues of a country, and as long as it was regularly paid, that country was free from Maratta depredations. Additional forces were now sent into the Deckan against Sevajee, who at length (1672) ventured to give battle to a Mogul army, and defeated it. This was the first regular engagement ever fought between the Moguls and the Marattas, and its unexpected success had the usual effect of elevating the courage of the one party and depressing that of the other. The war now languished for some years, as Aurungzîb had ample employment elsewhere.

A war with the north-eastern tribes of the Afghans first occupied him. This lasted for two years, and ended in the unsatisfactory manner in which contests with these tribes usually terminated. When this was concluded a religious insurrection called his troops to the field (1676). There was a sect named Sâdhs or Satnamees, a kind of Hindoo quakers, as they have been termed. They worshipped only one God, enjoined the practice of truth, self-denial, temperance, and continence, and prohibited the use of opium and spirituous liquors. As one of these men was engaged in the cultivation of his land not far from Delhi, a dispute arose between him and the Peon or man who looked after the government share of the crop. Each party was joined by his friends, and the revenue-officers had the worst of it. The people of the country joined the Sâdhs; troops were sent against them, but they were routed, and the Mohammedans began to fancy that magic arts rendered them invincible. They even reported that the Sâdhs were led by a woman mounted on an enchanted wooden horse. The Rajpoot Zemindars, near Delhi, now began to join the insurgents, and Aurungzib found it necessary to send a considerable force against them; to counteract their magic arts, he directed his soldiers to wear prayers and amulets on their persons. In the engagement which ensued, the insurgents were totally routed.

CHAPTER XIII.

AURUNGZIB Continued-Aurungzib's Bigotry-Further Progress of Sevajee-His Death-Sambajee-Aurungzîb in the Deckan-End of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Bejapûr-Capture and Death of Sambajee-Rajah Râm-Difference of the Mogul and the Maratta Troops-Siege of Gingee-Aurungzib's Change of Operations-His Partial Success-His Death and Character.

THE attentive reader must have observed the absence of illiberality and intolerance by which the Mohammedan monarchs of India, especially the house of Timûr, had been so honourably distinguished. They had constantly intermarried with the Hindoo royal families, and the Rajpoot rajahs had held high commands in their armies. But Aurungzib, who was bigoted and narrowminded, was of course intolerant, and even from the beginning of his reign he gave proofs of this unkingly spirit. Thus, instead of the solar year, which had deen in use in India from the time of Akber, he directed the Mohammedan lunar year