the Cûrûs, we find Chrishna the ally of the former. His youthful adventures among the Gôpis, or milkmaids, are the theme of poetry, and Chrishna is the favourite deity of the women of India. To enumerate the absurd legends, to describe the numerous ceremonies, the painful and disgusting penances of the Hindoo religion, is not possible in our limits. When we take a view of them, and more especially recollect, that it is a fixed point with every sect that faith in their god supersedes all religion and morality, we might expect to find the Hindoo character devoid of every estimable quality. But such is by no means the case; the principles of morality are too deeply seated in the human heart, and too essential to the well-being of society to allow them to become extinct, and the religious books of India are too full of its precepts to let them fall into oblivion. Accordingly, the most candid observers of the Hindoo character speak favourably of it, and, lascivious as are many of the legends and ceremonies of the Hindoo religion, the chastity and domestic virtues of the Hindoo women are far above the general standard in some Christian countries. Like every other people, the Hindoos have a firm belief in a future state of existence. Their great doctrine on this head is that of the transmigration of souls, according to which, the soul after quitting its present abode, will animate another body, either that of a man or an inferior animal, and as the kind of body depends on a man's conduct in this life, this doctrine, as far as it is not affected by that of faith, is not without moral effect. They also hold that in the intervals of being on earth, the soul is, according to its merits, for thousands of years, happy in one of the numerous heavens, or tormented in one of the many hells of their creed. The system of religion here faintly sketched, is the prevalent, almost the only one professed by the modern Hindoos. It is named Braminism from the Bramins, who are its teachers. But five, or even ten centuries before our era, a great reformation of it was effected by a person named Buddha, who rejecting the Vedas and Puranas, and the distinction of castes, taught that all men are brethren and equal; that future happiness, which consisted in absorption in the divinity, was to be obtained by the practice of virtue, by contemplation, and by mortification of the senses. The Buddhist, too, was on no account to deprive even the smallest insect of existence. The sect long flourished in India, but at length the Bramins, aided by the temporal power, succeeded in suppressing it by persecution. Its votaries had already carried it into all the countries north and east of India, and it is computed that nearly two-thirds of the people of Asia profess it. Certainly no other religion can vie with it in extent of sway. One of the most curious circumstances in Buddhism is its astonishing agreement with the Church of Rome in rites, ceremonies, and institutions. Like it, for example, it has monasteries of both sexes, with injunctions of celibacy. The resemblance is so strong, that the early Catholic missionaries regarded it as a device of the devil to turn men from the truth. There is still in India a sect named the Jains, who agree in some points with the Buddhists, and like them reject Braminism. But they are not numerous, and the Bramins have long since lost the power to persecute. A contemplative people, as the Hindoos are, must early have turned their thoughts to the subjects denominated metaphysical. We accordingly find that all the theories on that subject, formed by the Greeks or by the moderns, were already familiar to the sages of India. Thus the system devised by the excellent Bishop Berkeley, and developed and explained by him with so much ingenuity and elegance, was known in India centuries before our era. So also was the atomistic theory, on which Epicurus founded his philosophy, long familiar to the Hindoos. In astronomy the Hindoos had advanced far before the Greeks. They were acquainted with the precession of the equinoxes, they knew the causes of eclipses, and had constructed tables by which they might be accurately calculated. Some of their sages had discovered the diurnal revolution of the earth on its axis, and had even with tolerable accuracy calculated its diameter. A passage in the Vedas asserts that the pole-star changes its position, the constellations are named in the epic poems, and the fixed stars are spoken of as bodies of great magnitude, which shone by their own native light. In geometry the Hindoos had made discoveries, which were not made in Europe till modern times. Such were the mode of expressing the area of a triangle in terms of its sides, and that of expressing the proportion of the radius to the diameter of a circle. In arithmetic, they are entitled to the fame of the invention of the decimal system of notation. But, in algebra, the merits of the Hindoos are still higher, and discoveries not made in Europe till the last century were familiar in India for centuries before. This, however, is the latest of their sciences, and the works which treat of it have all been written since the commencement of our era. Finally, the Hindoos were versed in trigonometry, in which they went far before the Greeks, and were acquainted with theorems not discovered in Europe till the sixteenth century. All the subtleties of logic, and the refinements of grammar, are to be met with in Sanscrit works on these subjects. In the copious poetic literature of India, the niceties and varieties of metre are as numerous as in that of ancient Greece. The Sanscrit language is, for copiousness, beauty, flexibility, and nicety of structure, almost without a rival, in the opinion of those most competent to form a judgment on the subject. The wonderful excavated temples of Ellora, Salsette, and Elephantina, and the Pagodas 7 on the Coromandel coast, prove that in architectural skill, and in the art of sculpture, the ancient Hindoos far exceeded the Egyptians. That in the most remote ages the Hindoos understood the art of ship-building, and made distant voyages, is proved by their colonies. There is also in the ancient Code of Manu a law relating to the interest of money, in which that lent on bottomry is particularly noticed; and this, we may observe, could only take place among a people familiar with the sea. For the political condition of ancient India, the great authority is the Code of Manu. We think, however, that those inquirers are wrong, who 7 We will describe the form of the Pagoda in the subse quent part of our work. The name is a corruption of the Sanscrit Bhahagavate, holy house. CASTES, GOVERNMENT. suppose this Code to be like that of Justinian, the Code Napoléon, or similar works—a system of laws and regulations which were actually in force, and cited as the law of the land. We rather agree with those who view in it an ideal system, like the Republic and Laws of Cicero, in which the actual constitution and laws of the state are taken as a basis, and such additions made, as in the writer's opinion would bring it nearer to perfection. On this principle, and we believe on no other, can we account for the extravagant privileges and powers given in it to the Bramins, and the intolerable precepts laid down in it for the regulations of their lives, privileges, and powers which they never possessed, and precepts which they could only partially have obeyed. The great feature of the Laws of Manu is the division of the people into castes like those that prevailed in ancient Egypt. These were four in number, viz. the Bramins, the Cshatriyas, the Vaisyas, and the Sudras, the first of which, it is said, proceeded from the mouth, the second from the arm, the third from the thigh, and the fourth from the foot of Brahma. The Bramins were not, as is generally, but perhaps erroneously stated, a sacerdotal caste, for we nowhere read of their conducting public worship, like the priests of Judæa or Egypt. They seem rather to have been "an order of men who followed a course of religious study and practice during the first half of their lives, and spent the other in a condition of self-denial and mendicity 9." They were, in fact, a people of philosophers, who were to be the instructors of the other classes in their public and private duties; for, though the next two classes might read the Vedas, the Bramin alone was to expound them. The king was to have a Bramin for his counsellor, and justice was to be administered by Bramins; but the Bramin was to shun all worldly honour, and not to seek to accumulate wealth. A Bramin was to spend the first quarter of his life as a student, rendering every, even the most menial, service to his master, and he was to support himself by begging from door to door. In the next quarter he was to marry and live with his wife and family, discharging the duties of his order, of which the principal was teaching. When this was concluded, he was to become an anchorite, retiring to the woods, clad with bark or the skin of an antelope, letting his hair and nails grow, sleeping on the ground, exposed to the rain and sun," without fire, without a mansion, wholly silent, feeding on roots and fruit." The last stage relieves the Bramin from much of this austerity. He returns to the world, dresses nearly as the ordinary Bramin, is released from all ceremonies and external forms. His only business is contemplation, till at last he quits the body "as a bird leaves the branch of a tree at its pleasure." Such is a sketch of a part of what we may term the ideal of the life of a Bramin; for, though individuals might and did reduce it to practice, such could never have been done by all the members of a numerous society. 8 This, like so many other words relating to India, has come to us from the Portuguese. In their language, and in that of Spain, casta is race, kind, or quality; but we know not its origin. 9 Wilson, note on Mill, i. p. 191. 5 The Cshatriyas were the military caste; the royal dignity belonged to them, and all places of rank and command; for the Bramins only expounded the laws, and took no part in the executive government. The Cshatriya was to defend the people, to give alms, read the Vedas, and sacrifice, and he was to shun sensual gratifications. The Vaisya was to cultivate the land, keep cattle, follow trade, and lend money on interest. He too was to give alms, sacrifice, and read the Vedas. The lot of the Sudra was the most unfavourable. He was to be the servant of all, but his exact station can hardly be ascertained. In some respects he resembled the Spartan helot; but though in the Code he is treated with the utmost contempt, and as if he were not of the same species with the higher classes, yet Hindoo nature was always too gentle to allow of such being the practice, and the lot of the Sudra was never so hard as that of the helot or of the middle-age serf. The men of the first three classes might marry into the classes beneath them, but this was not permitted to the women. If a Bramin woman married a Sudra, their son was a Chandala, the lowest of mortals, and if he united himself with a woman of the higher classes, their progeny, says the law, " is more foul than their begetter." It is from these marriages that many of the numerous sub-divisions of caste have been derived. A name by which the three higher castes are distinguished, is that of the twice-born. A Bramin in his fifteenth, a Cshatriya in his twenty-second, a Vaisya in his twenty-fourth year was solemnly girt with a band or thread, the first of cotton, the second of cusa-grass, the last of wool, which went over the left shoulder and across the breast. was regarded as a second birth; the Sudra who was not admitted to this honour was only a onceborn. This The government in India was absolute monarchy. The king and all his officers were of the Cshatriya caste. It would appear that the monarch was at liberty to choose his successor among his sons. Great monarchies seem to have been unknown; though occasionally an able and warlike prince may have made several minor states acknowledge his supremacy. The revenue, as in the case of all ancient monarchies, arose chiefly from a share in the produce of the land. In the case of grain, this varied from a twelfth to a sixth, according to the quality of the soil; it might, if necessary, be raised to a fourth. The king had also a sixth of the produce of trees, of honey, and other natural productions, and of manufactures. There were also duties on merchandise, licences for carrying on trades, etc. The country was partitioned into civil and military divisions. There were lords of one, ten, a hundred, and a thousand villages, and over these were officers of high rank, whose duty it was to inspect them, and correct any abuses they might commit. The military divisions did not coincide with the civil ones; in each was a body of troops under an approved officer. It is probable that some part of the revenue of the district was assigned for the pay of the officer and his troops. It is probable that the village-system, which is of so much importance in modern India, is coeval with the formation of the state; but as it is not spoken of in the Laws of Manu, we will defer our notice of it. The preceding very imperfect sketch is intended to give some idea of the condition of India in the ages previous to the time when the expedition of Alexander the Great first brought Europeans into that country, and excited a curiosity about its learning, its laws, and its institutions. Even at that time, we find, by comparing the accounts of the Greeks with the early Hindoo authorities, that there was a decline, especially in religion; idolatry, and the abominations connected with it, had spread over the land, and the Suttees or practice of women burning themselves with the bodies of their husbands, which is not even alluded to in the Laws of Manu, or the epic poems, had come into use. It appears also that the monastic orders, a sure mark of the corruption of religion, existed then in India. CHAPTER III. | time, for Megasthenes, the ambassador of Seleucus, resided for many years at the court of Palibothra 1. The history of India henceforth becomes very obscure. We collect from the Hindoo books, and from inscriptions, that the tribes that possessed Bactria used to make inroads into the Punjâb, and that the religious feuds, which ended in the overthrow of Buddhism, raged during this period; but still all accounts concur in representing the country as being in a very flourishing state. The court of the princes, whose name was Vicramaditya, who reigned at Ayôdha, i.e. Oude, and who extended their dominion to the Deckan, was famed for magnificence, and for the patronage of genius and science. It was at the court of the first prince of this name, a few years before our era, that Calidâsa, the author of the beautiful drama, Sacôntala, flourished. Foreign trade was carried on extensively during this time, and the products of India were diffused over the Persian, the Roman, and other empires; but darkness broods over the internal history. While India was thus in repose, the prophet of the Arabs appeared. The inhabitants of the desert, animated by enthusiasm, fell on the effete and feeble empires of Rome and Persia, and every where victory followed their banners. Their empire speedily extended from the Ebro to the Oxus. The Khalifehs, or successors of the prophet, had finally fixed their abode at Bagdad on the Tigris; their dominion extended into Câbul, and but for the decay of enthusiasm, the feuds that broke out, and the inertness and degeneracy always consequent on long-established rule in the East, the conquest of a large part of India might have been achieved. Earliest notice of India - Alexander the Great-GræcoBactrian Kingdom-Vicramaditya-The Khalifat-Invasion of India-Decline of the Khalifat-SebuktegînMahmûd of Ghuzni-His Invasions of India-Temple of Sômnât-Character of Mahmûd-End of his Dynasty. INDIA has no history of its own; our first knowledge of it, as of so many other countries, is derived from the Greeks. Herodotus, when describing the extent of the Persian empire under Darius I., names India as one of the provinces; but this was only the part of it about the Indus, and as the inhabitants of a strip of country under the Parapamisus mountains to the west of that river is said to have been possessed by Indians, it is doubtful if the dominion of the Persian monarch extended into the Punjab. When Alexander the Great had overthrown the Persian empire, his lust of conquest led him to India. He took the route trodden by all the invaders of that country, namely, along the valley of the river Câbul, crossed the Indus at probably the modern Attock, and conquered the Punjab as far as the Beyah, and but for the mutiny of his troops, which forced him to return, he might have reached the Ganges. As he probably proposed to revisit India, he took care to establish an interest there by extending the dominions of the two rajas Taxiles and Porus, the first of whom had been his ally, and the second his most powerful opponent. His death, however, and the confusion into which his empire fell, ended all plans for the subjugation of India. The princes of the Macedonian empire which established itself in Bactria held the vale of the Câbul, and extended their claims over India; and Menander, one of these princes, marched into that country as far as the Jumna. But there was a powerful native empire, named by the Greeks that of the Prasii, whose capital, named Palibothra, lay at the confluence of the Ganges and the Sôn; and the Syrian kings, Seleucus and Antiochus, formed alliances with the sovereigns of this empire usurpers, in fact, coincides, and thus the first point in against the Bactrian monarch, whose dominion was finally overturned by the hordes of the north. It is to the circumstance of this alliance that we are chiefly indebted for our knowledge of India at that India was, in fact, invaded by the troops of the Khalîfehs. In the reign of the Khalîfeh Walîd I. an Arab ship was seized at a placed named Dêwal, in Sind. Application was made to Dâhir, the rajah of that country, for restitution, but he replied that Dêwal was not under his authority. The governor of Basra, for the Khalifeh, would not be satisfied with this reply, and he despatched from Shiraz, under the command of his nephew, named Mohammed Câsim (a youth of only twenty years of age), a force of 6000 men to invade the territory of the Hindoo prince (711). Câsim led his little army in safety through the desert of Mecrân, which, under the name of Gedrosia, had so nearly proved fatal to Alexander the Great. He appeared before Dêwal, which he reduced, and thence advancing crossed the Indus to Mêrûn (now Hyderabad), whence he proceeded, apparently northwards, to Alôr, the then capital of Sind, but of which the ruins only now remain. His force had by this time been augmented by a body of 2000 horse from Persia; but the rajah was awaiting him with an army of 50,000 men. Câsim seeing the great disparity of numbers, prudently resolved to act on the 1 The prince with whom Seleucus was allied is called Sandracottus. Sir W. Jones was struck with its resemblance to Chandraguptas, i. e. Moon-protected, a celebrated name in Hindoo story. The history of the two, who were both Indian chronology was obtained. Palibothra is the Sanscrit EARLY MOHAMMEDAN INVASIONS. defensive, and, choosing a strong position, awaited the attack of the Indians. Fortune favoured him; a fire-ball, flung from the Arab line, struck the elephant on which the rajah rode, which, in its terror, rushed from the field, and plunged with its rider into the adjoining river. An event of this nature, as we shall frequently see in our subsequent narrative, is decisive of a battle in India; and though Dâhir mounted a horse, and made every effort to rally his troops, the fortune of the day was not to be restored, and he had only the consolation of falling bravely in the midst of the enemy's cavalry. His widow defended the town when assailed with a courage worthy of her late lord, until the supply of provisions was exhausted. She then proposed to the garrison to devote themselves to death, after the manner of India. They complied with her wishes; piles were kindled, in the flames of which the women and children voluntarily perished; the soldiers then, having bathed and devoted themselves, opened the gates, rushed forth sword in hand, and soon fell beneath the weapons of the Moslems. Câsim gave the Indians one more great defeat, and thus reduced the whole dominions of rajah Dâhir, which seem to have included Multân, the southern extremity of the Punjab. It was always the custom of the Moslems to grant religious toleration to any people who had submitted to their arms. In the present case the rule was to be observed as usual; but in the towns which had been taken by storm, the Hindoo temples had been rased, and the endowments of the Bramins seized to the use of the state; and to restore the revenues, and rebuild the temples, seemed to the scrupulous mind of Câsim somewhat more than mere toleration. He referred the matter to the Khalifeh, whose reply was, that those who had submitted were entitled to the privileges of subjects; they should therefore be allowed to rebuild their temples, and celebrate their worship; the lands and money of the Bramins should be restored, and the three per cent. on the revenues which they had hitherto enjoyed should be continued to them. Among the prisoners who had fallen into the hands of Câsim were two daughters of the late rajah. Hindoo beauty had always been highly prized by the Arabs, and that of these maidens was such, as made them appear worthy of being presented to the Commander of the Faithful. They were accordingly transmitted to Damascus (then the seat of the Khalifat), but when they were brought into the presence of Walid the elder princess burst into tears, and declared that she was unworthy of his regards, as she had been dishonoured by Câsim. The Khalifeh, filled with rage, issued orders for Câsim to be sent to him, sewed up in a raw hide. The orders were obeyed, and when the Hindoo princess beheld his body she cried out, exultingly, that Câsim was innocent, but that she had thus avenged the death of her father, and the ruin of her family. The conquests of Câsim in India were retained for a space of about thirty-five years, when the Hindoos rose against the Moslems, and expelled them; and more than two centuries elapsed before they reappeared in India. The Khalifat shared the fate of all Eastern empires; its princes, degenerated and successful rebels, established independent states. The house 7 of Ommiyah, which, by the murder of Ally, the son-in-law, and fourth successor of the Prophet, had obtained the imperial dignity, reigned at Damascus over the East and the West, during a space of ninety years, when the standard of revolt was raised against them in Khorasân (the northern province of Persia), in favour of the descendants of Abbas, the Prophet's uncle. The latter proved victorious, but they were unable to reduce the western portion of the empire, which thus remained divided. Bagdad, which they built on the banks of the Tigris, became the capital of the Abbasside Khalifehs. The names of Harûn-er-rashîd, and of his son Almamûn, give lustre to this line; but after the death of the latter, the Khalîfehs sank into indolence and sloth, and fortunate adventurers made themselves independent, especially in the eastern parts of the empire, where the population was chiefly Turkish, and of a warlike and predatory character. One of the most celebrated of these lines was that named the Samanee, who came from beyond the Oxus, and during a period of 120 years held the eastern part of Persia. The fifth of these princes had a slave named Alptegîn, whom, being a man of ability, he gradually raised, till he made him governor of the province of Khorasan. On the death of the prince, the chiefs consulted as to which of his sons should be his successor, and Alptegîn having happened to give his vote against him who proved the successful candidate, he was deprived of his government, and his life was in danger. Followed by a trusty band of dependents, he retired into the mountains of the present Afghanistân, and fixed his abode at Ghuzni, whence he could defy the efforts of his enemies. He here reigned over the adjoining country during fourteen years. He gave his only daughter in marriage to Sebuktegîn, a Turkish slave, whom he had raised as he had been raised himself by the Samanee prince, and appointed him his successor. As the dominions of Sebuktegîn extended along the valley through which the river Câbul runs to its junction with the Indus, the adjacent Hindoo districts had been subject to the incursions of his rude and warlike subjects. Jypâl, the rajah of Lahore, therefore, thinking the present a favourable occasion, resolved to become the assailant in turn, and he led an army to the opening of the Câbul valley, beyond Pêshawer. The two armies met at this place, but ere they could engage there came on a violent tempest, which so disheartened the Hindoos, that the rajah found it expedient to propose an accommodation. Sebuktegin was at first unwilling to treat, but he finally agreed, on receiving fifty elephants, and the promise of a large sum of money, to allow the rajah to retire unmolested. Messengers arrived soon after at Lahore to demand and receive the money that had been promised; but the rajah cast them into prison, and, having formed alliances with some of the powerful rajahs of Hindûstân, he advanced with a force, it is said, of 100,000 horse, and a far larger number of footmen, towards the valley of the Câbul. Sebuktegin, though his troops were far inferior in number, relying on their superior discipline, strength, and courage, hesitated not to give battle, and by a succession of well-directed charges of cavalry, he gained a decisive victory. The Hindoos were driven to the Indus with prodigious slaughter, and the riches of their camp became the prey of the victor. The whole country to the Indus submitted to Sebuktegîn, who retired, leaving a governor with 10,000 men in Pêshâwer to maintain his dominion over these provinces. Sebuktegîn soon after led his forces over the Oxus to aid the Samanee prince against the hordes of the eastern Tartars. His services were rewarded by his being confirmed in his own government, and that of Khorasan being conferred on his son Mahmûd. He died on his way back to Ghuzni. Mahmûd, who was in his thirtieth year, and who had been trained up to arms from his earliest youth, happened to be away at his government when the death of his father occurred. His younger brother Ismael, therefore, having possessed himself of the treasure accumulated at Ghuzni, and thus being able to secure the support of the chiefs and the army, resolved to contest the empire. Mahmûd, having tried the way of accommodation in vain, a battle ensued, in which Ismael was defeated and captured. He remained a prisoner for life, but was treated with every indulgence that could be bestowed upon him with safety. By taken advantage of the fallen state of the Khalifat and the decline of the power of the Samanee, Mahmûd speedily rendered himself independent, and having received the investiture of Khorasan from the Khalifeh, he assumed the title of Sultan, being the first Moslem prince that bore it (999). Mahmûd was brave, prudent, and energetic; he possessed military skill, he was animated with a passion for glory, he was zealous for Islâm, and he was covetous of wealth; rest, therefore, was alien from his nature and his position. Conquests might easily, no doubt, have been made in the west, and his dominion, possibly, be extended to the Mediterranean, but India held out far greater inducements to the Sultan of Ghuzni. Accordingly, in the fourth year of his reign (1001), he led a force along the vale of the Câbul, and near Pêshâwer he encountered the troops of Jypâl of Lahore. The rajah was defeated and made a prisoner, and the victor, traversing the whole of the Punjab, passed the Garrah, and stormed and plundered the city of Butinda. He returned with the booty to Ghuzni, having released Jypâl and the other Hindoo prisoners for a ransom and the promise of tribute. The rajah, on his return to Lahore, disgusted with a life in which he had endured so many disasters, or moved by superstition, transferred his dominions to his son Anungpâl, and, mounting a funeral pile, set fire to it with his own hands and expired in the flames. Mahmûd again crossed the Indus to punish a rajah who had refused to pay his portion of the tribute imposed on Jypâl. His third expedition (1004) was undertaken to punish the Afghan chief of Multân, Abû-'l-Futteh-Lôdi, who, though a Moslem, had rebelled and formed an alliance with Anungpâl of Lahore. The troops of Anungpâl encountered those of Mahmûd near Pêshâwer, and the rajah was defeated and obliged to seek refuge in Cashmîr. Mahmûd then advanced and laid siege to Multân. At the end of seven days the proffered submission of the chief was accepted; for tidings had reached the Sultan of the invasion of his northern dominions by the Tartars. Leaving, therefore, the charge of the affairs of India to Sewuk-pal, a converted Hindoo, he returned with all speed to Ghuzni. A battle fought near Balkh, in which Mahmûd employed 500 Indian elephants to great advantage, ended in a signal victory on his part, and the vanquished foe hastened to recross the Oxus. The approach of winter prevented Mahmûd from passing that river and following up his success. Being now at leisure, he resolved to take vengeance on Anung-pâl for his former unprovoked hostility, and he assembled troops for a fourth descent into India (1008). Anung-pâl, aware of his danger, called on the rajahs of the states which had aided his father, representing to them the common danger, as, if he were subdued, they would be attacked in their turn. His arguments proved effectual, and a larger army than had yet assembled advanced to Pêshâwer. The sight of their numbers nearly daunted Mahmûd, and he acted on the defensive. His camp was surrounded by the Hindoo troops, and the Guckars, a mountain tribe, even forced their way through his intrenchments, and committed great havoc among his cavalry. At length one of these accidents so frequent in Indian warfare gave him the victory. The elephant on which Anung-pâl rode, taking flight, ran off the field; the Hindoos, thinking themselves deserted by their sovereign, gradually gave way; the troops of Mahmûd pressed on, the flight became general, and the slaughter, as usual, immense. Mahmûd entered the Punjâb, and hearing of the immense wealth said to be contained in the temple of Nagarcote, which stood on a hill at the foot of the Himalaya mountains in the district between the Râvi and the Beyah rivers, he resolved to become its possessor. As the garrison had been withdrawn for the late battle, the priests offered no resistance, and the accumulated treasure of ages was conveyed to Ghuzni, where, during a festival of three days, the conqueror displayed it to the view of his subjects. In the year 1010, Mahmûd took Multân and brought Abû-'l-Futteh to Ghuzni, where he remained a prisoner for life. The following year he penetrated further into India than he had yet done, for he took the city of Tanêsan, near the Jumna, plundered its wealthy temple, and brought an immense number of captives with him to Ghuzni. Two plundering expeditions to the delicious vale of Cashmere succeeded, in the latter of which the army suffered severely from the weather on its return; Mahmûd then turned his arms northwards, and reduced the whole region between the Oxus and the Jaxartes, after which he thought again of India and of plunder. In this his ninth expedition (1017) he resolved to penetrate to the sacred Ganges. With a force of 100,000 horse and 20,000 foot, he set out from Pêshâwer, and keeping close to the foot of the mountains where the rivers of the Punjab are most easy to cross, he proceeded till he had passed the Jumna. He then turned southwards, and led his troops under the walls of Canouj, a city described as abounding in wealth and magnificence, and whose ruins at the present day are said to cover an extent of ground equal to that occupied by London. The rajah, unprepared for resistance, came forth, and surrendered himself and family to the Sultân, by whom he was received to friendship and alliance, and his town was left uninjured. Mahmûd then turned northwards, repassed the |