fensive was concluded on the proposal of the Sûbahdâr*. Efforts were then made to induce the Sûbahdâr to permit an attack on Chandernagore, as there was actual war between France and England, and Bussy was now in the Circaîs, and within 200 miles of Calcutta. The request was at first evaded, for he was secretly in correspondence with the French. Proposals were made for the maintenance of peace between the two factories, though the na. tions were at war; but the admiral would not consent to give effect to any treaty until it was sanctioned by the government of Pondicherry, for the conduct of Dupleix in the case of Madras was recollected. The admiral corresponded with the Sûbahdâr on the subject, seeking to convince him that it was as much for his own interest as that of the English that the place should be attacked. At length, having ascertained that he was intriguing with the French, he wrote him a final letter, in which, among other things, he said, "I will kindle such a flame in your country, as all the water in the Ganges shall not be able to extinguish." "Farewell," he concludes, "remember, that he who promises you this, never yet broke his word with you or with any man whatsoever." This letter, aided by a present to the Sûbahdâr's secretary, drew an ambiguous kind of consent, and as the two remaining ships and troops were now arrived, it was resolved to proceed at once to the attack of Chandernagore. Clive, who was already near that town, summoned it to surrender on the night of the day the admiral received the Sûbahdâr's letter (13th), and in the morning he attacked the western battery, which was defended during the day, but abandoned in the night. Between this day and the 19th, when the fleet came up, the enemy was driven from ten other batteries, one of three guns playing down the channel, which would have greatly annoyed the ships, and before which the French had sunk four or five vessels. High praise has been bestowed on the manner in which the ships of the line were brought so far up the river, and laid alongside the batteries of the town; but only two were engaged, and in three hours from the time they commenced firing the town capitulated. The usual jealousy was shown here again; for though the place could never have been taken without Clive's assistance, and the surrender was made to Admiral Watson, it was with great reluctance that he consented to Clive's signing the articles. Though we notice these instances of professional jealousy in the gallant admiral, we must do him the justice to observe, that in disinterestedness, and in zeal for the interests of his country, very few, if any, of the king's officers sent out to India at this period were his equals. It was the well-founded opinion of Clive, that it was impossible for the French and English power to co-exist in India, and he was therefore resolved to drive the former if possible out of Bengal. But the permission of the Sûbahdâr to attack their remaining settlements could not be obtained; it was ascertained that he had actually invited Bussy to 4 Thornton blames Clive for not having required reparation for the affair of the Black Hole, but we see not what reparation could well be required, and the not noticing that affair, looks as if he did not consider it to have been done designedly. lead his troops into Bengal, and he had in his service a party of French 5 under M. Law, the governor of their factory at Cossimbazar, and when at length he was obliged to dismiss them, he let them stay at Râjmahâl in Bahâr, and supplied them with money for their expenses. The Sûbahdâr was now also relieved from his apprehensions of the Afghâns, as Ahmed Dûrannee had quitted Delhi, and of his continued and intense hatred of the English there were abundant proofs. If the troops and ships departed, Calcutta would be again destroyed. In fine, he or they must fall. Under these circumstances, Clive felt himself not merely justified in paying no heed to the orders sent him from Madras, to return to the defence of that settlement, but even in taking part in a conspiracy for the dethronement of the Sûbahdâr. Sûraj-ud-dowlah was now universally hated, both in his court and camp. The leading persons there were Meer Jaffier, the Bukhshi, or commander-inchief, a soldier of fortune, to whom Aliverdi had given one of his daughters in marriage; Roy Dullub the Dewan, or minister of finance, who was of course a Hindoo, and who was intimately associated with Jugget Seit, the greatest banker in India, or rather the head of the greatest bankingfirm. These men, in dread for their lives and properties, seem to have resolved on the overthrow of Sûraj-ud-dowlah. It would appear to have been by way of experiment, that on the 23rd April, a chief, named Yâr Lattee, who commanded 2000 horse in the Sûbahdâr's service, and was the paid protector of the Seits, sent to propose a secret interview to Mr. Watts, the English resident at Moorshedabâd. Mr. Watts did not think it safe to grant it, but he sent an agent to him. His proposal was, that they should take advantage of Sûraj-ud-dowlah's intended departure from Moorshedabâd, to seize that town and proclaim himself Sûbahdâr, in which he assured them of the aid of the Seits and other influential persons. Next day the overture was renewed, but now it was Meer Jaffier, and not Yar Lattee, that was proposed for Sûbahdâr. The offers of Meer Jaffier were communicated by Watts to Clive, and by him to the committee at Calcutta, who, after the hesitation that was to be expected from them, agreed to join in this hazardous affair. The negotiation, however, received a slight check just at this time by the departure of Meer Jaffier from Moorshedabâd; for the Sûbahdâr had encamped an army of 40,000 men at Plassy on the Hooghly, about thirty miles south of that city, with the secret intention of employing it against the English, and he now ordered Meer Jaffier to lead to it a reinforcement of 15,000 men. Just at this time an agent arrived at Calcutta, bearing a letter from the Maratta Peishwa, in which he proposed to invade Bengal with 150,000 horse, and offered, if the English would join him, to pay them the double of their losses, and secure them the exclusive commerce of the Ganges. Clive did not court a Maratta alliance, besides, it was doubtful if the letter was genuine, (it however really was so,) and it might be only an artifice of the Sûbahdâr's. It was therefore resolved to trans 5 They were composed of those who had escaped from Chandernagore, some of whom had, in the usual French fashion, broken their parole. mit it to him, as in either case it must produce a good effect. He expressed himself much gratified with the conduct of Clive, and that officer, further to lull his suspicions, ordered his troops into quarters, and wrote to the Sûbahdâr, requesting him to do the same with the troops at Plassy. He, however, got only promises; so he wrote a letter to Watts (30th), in which, among other things, he said, "the Nabob is a villain, and cannot be trusted; he must be overset, or we must fall;" and on the 2nd May, he wrote, empowering him to come to a settlement with Meer Jaffier, "Tell him," says he, "to fear nothing, that I will join him with 5000 men that never turned their backs, and that if he fails seizing him, we shall be strong enough to drive him out of the country." A treaty was concluded, which beside containing the articles in that made with Sûraj-ud-dowlah, gave the French factories and effects to the English, and excluded that nation for ever from Bengal; and the land about Calcutta, and as far south as Culpee, was to be held on Zemindary tenure by the Company, to whom were also to be paid 100 lacs of rupees for their losses, as also fifty to the English, twenty to the Indian, and seven to the Armenian inhabitants of Calcutta. It was also resolved by the Committee, that an additional sum of fifty lacs should be asked for the squadron and the army. "When this was settled," says Clive," Mr. Becher suggested, that he thought the Committee who managed the great machine of government were entitled to some consideration, as well as the army and navy." There was probably not a man present, on whose mind there was the slightest doubt of the justice of this proposal; and it accordingly met with a ready assent, and a sum of about ten lacs was specified. When this afterwards came to the knowledge of the admiral, he put in his claim to a share, and Clive was willing to allow it; but others would not give their consent. It is well known what obloquy was afterwards cast on Clive for this and other large sums which he subsequently obtained from Meer Jaffier; it is therefore worth our while to examine what moral guilt, if any, attached to it. 75 side valuable jewels; and that, on the elevation of Salabut Jung, the officers of the French corps received so large a gratification, that even an ensign's share exceeded 5000l., while that of the commander, the renowned Bussy, was 100,000/. 7 Are we then to wonder that, with these examples before his eyes, Clive (for we speak not of the others), who had left England at the age of eighteen, and in whose mind romantic, or perhaps even high, principles of honour had never been instilled, should have followed the example of so great a man as Bussy, and not let slip what seemed an honourable occasion of securing affluence? We should, no doubt, admire him more, if he had thought of the interests of the Company alone, and neglected his own, and in such case he might have had the thanks of the Court of Directors; but most assuredly nothing more, except the applause of his own conscience; for not a single instance had as yet occurred of their acting with liberality towards any of their servants, and for them he might have ended his days in poverty. Finally, when we expect such heroism of virtue in a servant of the East India Company, we should recollect the scandalous and unblushing venality and corruption of public men at that time in England itself. On the whole, every thing considered, we own we cannot blame Clive for making his fortune on this occasion; but we will not assert that he did not make too large a one, not, however, at the expense of the Company. To resume the narrative. Every thing had been thus far arranged to the satisfaction of all parties, when imminent danger presented itself from an unexpected quarter. The native merchant, Omichund, who, beside his other losses at the taking of Calcutta, had been plundered of four lacs of rupees in cash, had followed the Sûbahdâr to Moorshedabâd, in the hope of obtaining compensation for his losses. He here acquired some influence over the mind of that prince, and he was of great use to Mr. Watts, the resident. It was not thought at first advisable to make him acquainted with the conspiracy; but as it was found impossible to elude his penetration, Mr. Watts deemed it the best policy to inform him of the secret. He readily joined in the plan. Of the money to be paid by Meer Jaffier, a very large sum was set down as his share, to reimburse him for his losses, and he had managed to obtain from the Sûbahdâr an order for a sum equivalent to the cash taken from him. But the demon of avarice had taken entire possession of his breast; and being now fully acquainted with the secret of the plot, and having the lives of all engaged in it at his mercy, he came to Mr. Watts and told him, that he would betray the whole to the Sûbahdâr, unless he got five per cent. on all the money to be paid out of the treasury, and a fourth of the jewels. He, however, consented to leave the matter to the Committee, to whom In the first place we are to consider, that the chief motive which led the servants of the Company to India was the hope of obtaining the means of spending the later period of their life at home in independence, if not affluence. The salaries given them by the Company were so miserably small, that it never could have been expected that they could live on them, and they therefore were permitted to engage in private trade. They were also allowed to accept of presents from the native princes and others with whom they transacted any of the affairs of the Company. This practice of giving and receiving presents has, as is well known, prevailed from time immemorial in the East, and no dishonour on either side attaches to it. Further, as we have already seen, it was the custom for a new monarch to distribute presents to his friends, on his accession; and these, of course, were proportionably large, if they had aided him to ascend the throne. As yet, the English had not been concerned in any great transaction of this nature; but they had seen that Muzafar Jung had given large heard a leading railway director publicly assert, that with sums to the French Company and their troops, and that Dupleix had, in his private capacity, received from him a sum said to be equal to 200,000l., be 6 See above, p. 66. Orme, i. 162. 7 Orme, i. 250. 8 See our History of England, iii. 8vo. edit. Bishop Watson, in his Life, names the sum which he was informed it cost, to gain the assent of Parliament to the peace of Paris in 1762; and have we not even, at the present day, plenty of money he would carry any measure through Parliament, in spite of the ministry? 9 Orme, ii. 151. He says, that valuing the treasure at Mr. Watts immediately wrote. That the claim was beyond all bounds of reason was plain, and the means adopted to enforce it seemed to put him, who made it beyond the pale of justice or honour; but how they were to act was a difficult question, for the lives of many persons, and the actual existence of the English in Bengal, were at stake. Clive instantly suggested the expedient of a fictitious treaty. This was approved of, and two treaties were drawn out; a real one, in which there was no mention of Omichund, written on white, and one meant to deceive him, on red, paper. The admiral signed the former, but refused to sign the latter. As, however, the absence of his name would excite Omichund's suspicions, his signature was affixed to it by the Committee. Omichund was deceived, as was expected; and when he came shortly after to Calcutta, he was received with the greatest apparent cordiality. Matters being now finally arranged, and Meer Jaffier having engaged to separate from the Sûbahdar's army with a large body of troops, and to join the English, the troops at Calcutta, reinforced by 150 seamen from the fleet, proceeded, on the 12th June, to Chandernagore, whence Clive wrote to the Sûbahdar, reproaching him with his breach of faith, but offering to submit their disputes to the arbitration of Meer Jaffier, Roydûllûb, and others. In conclusion, he told him that, as the rains were so near, he found it necessary to wait upon him immediately. As Mr. Watts had just then effected his escape from Moorshedabâd, the Sûbahdâr knew how to interpret this letter, and he advanced with the whole of his army to Plassy. Clive's force consisted of about 3000 men, with nine pieces of cannon. As there appeared no sign of Meer Jaffier's joining him, he became somewhat uneasy, and on the 21st he summoned a council of war, in which he proposed the question, whether it would be prudent to attack the Nabob without assistance, or to wait till they were joined by some country power, meaning the Marattas. The usual mode in these councils is, for the youngest officer present to deliver his sentiments the first, and then the rest in due order. But Clive commenced by giving his own opinion in favour of delay. His authority doubtless was of weight, and thirteen out of twenty voted on that side; while seven, among whom was Coote, voted for an immediate attack. The council broke up, and, strange as it may appear, shortly after Clive issued orders for the troops to march and cross the river. Mr. Scrafton, who was present with the army, says, that this change of resolution was the consequence of a letter received from Meer Jaffier; Orme, that when the council broke up, Clive "retired alone into the adjoining grove, where he continued near an hour in deep meditation," and then gave orders for the troops to march; and Coote stated, that in an hour after the council broke up, Clive informed him of his intention to march next morning; while Clive himself declared, that he took twentyfour hours to deliberate on the subject. Be this as it may, the troops passed the river on the 22nd, four and a half millions sterling, Omichund's share would have come to 675,000l.; but surely that would have been much more than five per cent. Malcolm and Wilson say his demand was thirty lacs of rupees, about 350,000%. and an hour after midnight they reached Plassy, and took up a position there in a grove of mango trees. 66 During the night, the sounds of military music convinced them that the army of the Subahdâr was in their immediate vicinity. At daybreak (23rd) it was seen advancing in many columns, with cannon interposed, to the attack. It consisted of 15,000 horse, 35,000 foot, with upwards of forty pieces of artillery. A party of forty or fifty vagabond Frenchmen," as Orme styles them, led by an officer named Sinfray, advanced the first, Sinfray calling on the Sûbahdâr's troops to follow; but they had no confidence in each other, and he called in vain. A cannonade was kept up for some hours on the English, who sheltered themselves by sitting under a high mud-bank. Soon after noon the enemy drew off their cannon, and retired toward their camp. But the French still kept their post, till a party, under Major Kilpatrick, began to move against them, when they retired, carrying off their guns. The whole British force now advanced; a cannonade was opened on the enemy's camp, one angle of which and an eminence near it were carried, and the whole army fled in confusion, leaving to the victors their camp and all it contained. The pursuit was continued for six miles; the loss of the enemy was about 500 men; that of the British in killed and wounded about seventy, mostly Sepoys. Such was the battle, or rather rout, of Plassy, which in effect gave an empire to England. Suraj-ud-dowlah, as Clive observes, "had no confidence in his army, nor his army any confidence in him." His most faithful general, Moodun Khân, having been killed by a cannon-ball, he had sent for Meer Jaffier, and casting his turban at his feet, implored him, by the memory of Aliverdi, their common relative, to forget all differences and to defend his throne. Jaffier promised, of course, and advised him to recall the troops, and defer the conflict till next morning. This was done; and the consequence was, the advance of the English. Roydûllûb then counselled him to retire to Moorshedabâd; to this course his own fears also urged him, and the inevitable result was the victory of the English; for Oriental troops never fight when abandoned by their leaders. Meer Jaffier had been playing a double game all through these events. When he gave the above advice to the Sûbahdâr, he wrote to Clive, desiring him to attack the camp without delay. But the letter did not reach him, and he made the attack of his own account. He also kept his troops separate; but his conscience made him suspicious; and when, after the victory, he had his first interview with his allies, the military honours with which he was received startled him, and he gave manifest signs of terror. He revived, however, when Clive saluted him as Sûbalıdâr with much cordiality. A few days after (29th) Clive formally seated him on the musnud at Moorshedabad. The unhappy Suraj-ud-dowlah, on arriving at his capital, found no one faithful, and on the night of the 24th, as Meer Jaffier had already entered it, he departed secretly, attended only by a eunuch and one of his concubines, with the design of joining M. Law. But near Rajmahâl he was recognized by a devotee whose nose and ears he had cut off some months before, and was by him be A. D. 1757. RELIEF OF TRICHINOPOLY. trayed to the governor of the city, who was Meer Jaffier's brother. He was seized and sent to Moorshedabâd. Jaffier gave some tokens of compassion for him; but his son Meerum, a youth of a cruel, unscrupulous character, had none, and he caused him to be put to death at once, it is said, without his father's knowledge. The unhappy prisoner had not completed his twentieth year, and he had reigned only fourteen months. What chiefly remained to be done now was, to make the pecuniary payments agreed on in the treaty. On examining the treasury, it was found to contain 150 lacs of rupees, a large sum no doubt, but still far short of what had been expected, and much too little to satisfy the claims of the British. It was then arranged that one half of their demand should be paid immediately, twothirds in money, and one-third in plate, jewels, and gold, the remainder in three equal annual payments. Seven hundred chests filled with treasures were conveyed to Calcutta in one hundred boats, adorned with flags, and music sounding from them as they proceeded down the stream. Clive at this time received a further gift from Meer Jaffier of sixteen lacs of rupees 1, which, added to two lacs, his share of what was given to the army, and 2,80,000, his share as second in council, made a sum exceeding 230,000l. sterling. Mr. Watts also received a present of eight lacs. Among those who were present at the meeting for considering the state of the treasury, and by no means the least interested party, was Omichund. He was elated with hopes, and in idea he grasped millions of rupees. When the treaty was read in which he was unmentioned, he became agitated. "That cannot be the treaty," said he, "it was a red one I saw." "Yes, but this is a white one," coolly replied Clive; then turning to Scrafton, who spoke the native language better than himself, he added, "It is now time to undeceive Omichund;" Scrafton immediately said, "Omichund, the red treaty is a trick; you are to have nothing." The unhappy wretch fell back in a swoon into the arms of his attendants, by whom he was conveyed to his palankeen, and thence to his house, where he remained for some hours in a state of stupor. A few days after he waited on Clive, who advised him to undertake a pilgrimage. He did as directed, returned insane, and died within the space of a year and a half2. "The two millions of rupees he expected should have been paid to him, and he left to enjoy them in oblivion and contempt." Such is the opinion of Orme, the friend of Clive. We, however, greatly fear, such is our nature, that had this been done, most persons, though outwardly admiring the mag 1 It is not improbable that he asked for this money; at least, hinted that he would like to have it. In 1773, when defending himself in the House of Commons, he used these remarkable words, "When I recollect entering the Nabob's treasury, at Moorshedabâd, with heaps of gold and silver to the right and left, and these crowned with jewels," striking his hand violently on his head, "By God! at this moment do I stand astonished at my own moderation." Life of Clive, i. 313. 2 Orme, ii. 182. We do not think Mr. Wilson (Mill, iii. 195) justified in saying, that doubt is thrown on this account by Clive's letter of the 6th August, in which he speaks of Omichund as "a person capable of rendering great services, and therefore not wholly to be discarded," for this was written before his return from his pilgrimage. 77 nanimity of Clive and his associates, would in their secret souls have condemned it, and have said, that he had met with his deserts. The best plan, perhaps, would have been a compromise for a smaller and more reasonable sum. As to the deception practised on him, it must seek its justification from necessity, that most accommodating of all justifiers. CHAPTER VIII. War in the Carnatic-Relief of Trichinopoly-Arrival of Count Lally-Capture of Fort St. David-Invasion of Tanjore-Siege of Madras-Capture of MasulipatamMutiny in French Army-Arrival of Coote-Capture of Wandewash and Carangoly-Battle of Wandewash-Siege and Capture of Pondicherry-Destruction of the French Power in India-Fate of Lally. WHILE Such was the progress of the British power in Bengal, hostilities were continued in the Carnatic. Capt. Calliaud, who was aiding to reduce one of the Nabob's brothers, who was in insurrection in the south, was preparing to renew his attempt on Madura, his first attack on which had failed, when he learned (May 21) that the French troops were within sight of Trichinopoly, where Capt. Smith, who commanded, had only 165 Europeans, and 700 Sepoys, while he had 500 French prisoners to guard, and the advancing force counted 1150 Europeans, and 3000 Sepoys, with several pieces of cannon. Calliaud received this intelligence at three o'clock in the morning, and at six he was on his march. The tents and baggage were left behind, the men carrying their provisions, and a few bullocks conveyed their ammunition. At six in the evening of the 25th he was within twelve miles of Trichinopoly. But now the great difficulty presented itself. The troops of the enemy were so disposed as to command every line by which the town could be approached, and their spies had mingled among the British. Of this last circumstance Calliaud was well aware, but he affected ignorance; and having apparently selected a road, he proceeded along it for about six miles. The spies went off with the information at nightfall, and the French concentrated their force on the point where they expected him to arrive. But Calliaud turned aside, and marching over rice-fields in a state of irrigation, where the men were knee-deep in mud, and could only advance at the rate of a mile an hour, reached the fort at break of day, and the discharge of twenty-one pieces of cannon to greet their entrance, told the French they had been outgeneralled. Calliaud was so weakened by fatigue and mental anxiety, that he had to be supported into the fort by two grenadiers. The French, foiled in their attempt, returned soon after to Pondicherry. Bajee Râo, the Maratta, now appeared, demanding chout of the Nabob, who settled the account by agreeing to pay down two lacs of rupees, and give orders for two and a half more on the Polygars and others. When this was concluded, he called on his English allies to pay his share out of the rents he had assigned them, for the expenses of the war. This they were very unwilling to do, but, as Orme says, they "had no alternative, but to pay or fight;" they chose the former, though Morari Rao and other chiefs offered to aid them; and Bajee Râo departed, laden with money and bills. On the 28th April, 1758, a French squadron of twelve sail was seen standing in for the road of Fort St. David. It had on board a military force, with Count de Lally appointed governor-general of the French possessions in India. Lally proceeded at once with two of the ships to Pondicherry. The rest were preparing to follow, when they were attacked by the English fleet from Bengal, commanded by Admiral Pocock 3. The action was undecisive, and after it the French, as the rigging of the English ships was very much damaged, were enabled to reach Pondicherry. It was with great difficulty that Lally induced the commandant, M. D'Aché to put to sea again, and then, instead of bearing down on the English squadron, he took advantage of the wind which kept them off, and steered for Fort St. David, before which Lally was lying with the troops, having captured Cuddalore, and laid siege to the fort almost immediately after his landing. The besieging army consisted of 2500 Europeans, and about the same number of Sepoys; the garrison of upwards of 600 Europeans, and 1600 Sepoys, and other native troops, commanded by Major Polier, a Swiss officer in the service of the Company. The defence had been injudicious; in the early part of the siege the garrison had wasted their ammunition in the most reckless manner, firing, says Orme, "night and day on every thing they saw, heard, or suspected;" that when the real need came, they were obliged to husband it. Numbers of the native troops had deserted; the Europeans were mostly drunken and disorderly, and the supply of water was failing. As soon, therefore, as the French fleet appeared, it was apprehended that it would land more men, and a general assault would be made, which the garrison could not withstand. It was in consequence resolved to capitulate; the following day (June 2) the fort was surrendered, and Lally immediately commenced razing its fortifications. Devi-cottah offered no resistance, and Lally then, in imitation of Dupleix, entered Pondicherry in a triumphal procession, which was succeeded by a Te Deum, and a splendid entertainment. SO The want of money being the greatest impediment to further operations, Lally, in order to obtain some resolved to enforce payınent of a bond of the rajah of Tanjore to the late Chunda Sahib, which had come into his possession. He accordingly took the field against the rajah, who called on the English for aid, which was promptly given; but he then arranged with Lally for an attack on Trichinopoly again they quarrelled, and Lally threatened to transport himself and his family to the Isle of France. This brought him round once more to the English side, and more troops were sent from Trichinopoly to his aid. Soon after Lally called a council of war to decide on the question of assault, or retreat; and it of course recommended the latter. The sick and wounded were sent away at once, and the following day (Aug. 10) was fixed for the departure of the troops. This 3 Admiral Watson had died. decision having come to the knowledge of Monackjee, the Tanjore general, he resolved to make an attack on the French camp. He commenced by a piece of treachery, sending fifty horsemen, who, under pretence of being deserters, were to assassinate the French commander; but accident led to their being discovered, and they were cut to pieces; and when the Tanjorines made their attack they were repulsed on all points. Lally effected his retreat, though not without suffering. To obliterate the disgrace of his failure, he next led his troops against Arcot, of which he gained possession by making liberal promises to the officer in command. Having obtained some supplies of money from various quarters, he now resolved on forming the siege of Madras, and about the middle of December he appeared before that town at the head of 2700 Europeans, and 1000 native troops, The garrison consisted of about 1800 Europeans, 2200 Sepoys, and 200 of the Nabob's cavalry; it was commanded by Col. Lawrence. The French took possession of the Black Town without opposition. Hence a large quantity of arrack was found, with which most of the European soldiers made themselves intoxicated; and as they were seen from the fort staggering about under its influence, Lieut.-Col. Draper proposed to the commandant to make a sally. He agreed, and five hundred men were selected, and placed under the command of Draper, and one hundred more for a covering party, under Major Brereton. The enemy was taken quite by surprise, and suffered severely from the fire of the English party. A French regiment, which had been drawn up to oppose them, turned and fled; and then Draper called on his men to cease firing, and to follow him to take possession of four of the enemy's guns. He ran forward, and discharged his pistol at the head of the officer who commanded them, by whom his fire was returned. Draper then became aware that only four of his men had followed him. French took courage and returned, and the English were finally obliged to retire, with the loss of about two hundred men, between killed and prisoners. Among the slain was Major Polier, who, to efface the stain on his courage, made by the surrender of Fort St. David, had accompanied Draper as a volunteer. The French had about two hundred men killed and wounded; and Count d'Estaigne, one of their ablest officers, was made a prisoner. Lally threw great blame on Bussy (whom he had recalled from the service of the Nizâm) for not bringing up Lally's own regiment in time; but Bussy pleaded want of orders. An officer, named Murphy, proposed a general assault during the night, in four divisions, and Orme thinks it was fortunate for the English that his advice was not followed. The On the 2nd January, 1759, Lally commenced firing on the fort from the batteries which he had erected. The defence was ably conducted by Mr. Pigot, the governor, and by Col. Lawrence. Frequent sallies were made, and the troops at Chingleput, which Lally had neglected to take, with the Sepoys of Mohammed Isoof and some of the Nabob's, and of the Tanjorine cavalry, greatly impeded the communication of the besiegers with Pondicherry. Major Calliaud was at Tanjore at 4 Probably an Irishman, one of the Irish brigade. |