posed to birds and beasts of prey, under the guard of some Sepoys. At Patna, when he heard of the surrender of Mongheer, he put into execution a measure he had long threatened-the massacre of his English prisoners. This office was committed to Sumroo, who evinced no repugnance. The victims were fallen on, even their knives and forks having been previously removed, that they might have no means of resistance. Some were shot, others cut to pieces with swords; they defended themselves as well as they could by throwing bottles and stones. Among them were Mr. Ellis and Mr. Hay; the total number murdered there and elsewhere is said to have been two hundred. The only person spared was Mr. Fullarton, a surgeon.

At the approach of the English, Meer Cossim fled from Patua, and on 6th November that place was taken by storm. They pursued him to the banks of the Caramnassa, which he crossed, and took refuge in Oude. He then repaired to the emperor and vizîr who were at Allahabad. He was received with great respect, and the latter promised to enter Bahâr in his support. Major Carnac, who commanded the army, was therefore directed to march to the Caramnassa to oppose him, but unfortunately his troops were in a state of mutiny in consequence of being disappointed of the rewards they had expected. The mutinous spirit was in some degree appeased; but Carnac, not thinking it advisable to advance, encamped under the walls of Patna, where, on the morning of the 13th May, he was attacked by the united forces of the vizîr and Meer Cossim. The English Sepoys fought nobly, and at sunset the enemy was completely repulsed. Proposals for an accommodation were then made; but as the British authorities insisted on the surrender of Meer Cossim, Sumroo, and the English deserters, and the vizîr required that of Baliâr, nothing could be effected, and in June the enemy retired into Oude.

As the troops behaved so well at Patna, the council thought the mutinous spirit had disappeared; but Carnac knew better, and he acted with caution. The command was then transferred to Major Hector Munro, a king's officer who had just arrived with troops from Bombay. On coming to Patna, he found the Sepoys deserting, and even threatening to seize their officers and deliver them up to the enemy, if they did not get an increase of pay, and a donation promised them by Meer Jaffier. One battalion actually went off with their arms to join the enemy. Munro sent 100 Europeans, and a battalion of Sepoys who could be relied on, in pursuit of them, and they came on them when they were asleep in the night, made them prisoners, and brought them back. The major stood ready to receive them with the troops under arms. He ordered their officers to select fifty of the worst of them, and from these a further selection was made of twenty-four, who were tried on the spot by a court-martial of native officers, found guilty of mutiny and desertion, and sentenced to death. Munro then ordered them to be bound to the guns and blown away. When the first four men were called for, four grenadiers stepped forth and claimed it as "a right which belonged to men who had always been first in the post of danger." Their desire was granted, and

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the guns were fired. The officers of the Sepoys then informed the major that their men would not allow any more to suffer. He immediately ordered the four guns to be loaded with grape, and the Europeans to be drawn up with the guns in intervals between them. The Sepoys were then commanded to ground their arms on pain of being fired on if they disobeyed. Sixteen more of the mutineers were then blown away, and the remaining four were sent to suffer at another cantonment.

The spirit of mutiny being now at an end, Munro prepared to take the field. Toward the middle of September the army was in motion; the enemy attempted to defend the passage of the Sôn, but were repulsed, and on the 22nd October the army reached Buxar, where the troops of the vizîr were encamped. Munro proposed making an attack on them before daybreak next morning; but the report of his spies leading him to suspect that, as he wished, the enemy meditated being the assailants, he resolved to await them. At eight o'clock they were announced to be in motion; the troops were drawn out to receive them; at nine the action commenced, and at twelve the enemy gave way. They retreated, however, leisurely, and by breaking up a bridge of boats, and thus losing 2000 of his men, the vizîr saved the remainder of his army. His force was estimated at from 40,000 to 60,000 men. Munro had 857 Europeans, 5297 Sepoys, 1918 native cavalry. Of the enemy 2000 lay dead on the field, the British had 847 killed and wounded. The effect of this important battle, which broke the power of the vizîr of Oude, was to render the British paramount north of the Vindhya mountains.

The day after the battle, the emperor wrote to Major Munro congratulating him on his victory, and seeking his protection against the vizîr, who, he said, had treated him as a prisoner. When the British set out for Benâres, he marched in the same direction, and every night pitched his tents near their camp. In an interview with Munro, he offered the dominions of Shujah-ud-dowlah, or any thing else they might require for protection, which finally was accorded by the authorities at Calcutta, and the descendant of Timûr and Bâber thus sank into the condition of a dependant on the foreign traders who had humbly crouched before the throne of his ancestors.

The vizîr, meantime, to console himself for his losses and defeat, plundered his friend Meer Cossim of his remaining wealth, in the most shameless manner. Still he would not surrender him to the British; and he offered, if they would recede from that point, twenty-five lacs of rupees to the Company, as many to the army, and eight to Munro himself. When these terms were refused, he proposed to withdraw his protection from Meer Cossim, but to let him escape. As to Sumroo, he indicated a very simple course; which was to invite him to an entertainment, at which two or three English officers, who knew his person, should be present, and to put him to death before them. But even this was rejected. The British army then advanced toward Allahabâd, and on their way laid siege to the fort of Chunarghur. As Shujah-uddowlah was endeavouring to get into the rear of the army, and to seize the emperor, Munro converted the siege into a blockade, and led the rest of the

army toward Benâres. The two armies lay for some time inactive, in presence of each other, and soon after Munro resigned the command, and quitted India.

Meer Jaffier did not long enjoy his recovered dignity. He died in the beginning of the year 1765, his natural infirmities being augmented by the mental uneasiness, caused by the incessant demands made on him by the English for money. Among these, what he most complained of, and what was urged most pertinaciously, was the compensation for private losses. At the time of making the treaty he was assured, that this, at the utmost, would not exceed ten lacs of rupees, but it was gradually increased, and eventually brought up to fifty-three; and of this great sum, the one-half was extorted from him, though his payments to the Company were not completed; and they had to borrow from their own servants money, at eight per cent., for their necessary expenses.

The

A new Nabob was now to be appointed, and the choice lay between Jaffier's second son, Nûjum-uddowlah, and the son of Meerum, a boy only six years old. The council decided in favour of the former; for though a long minority might seem to be more for the advantage of the Company, it might render their power more conspicuous than they desired it should be for some time. Mill hints, that the circumstance of the former being of age, and thus able to make presents, which a minor could not do, may possibly have had its weight. In the treaty made with the new Nabob, the Company took into their own hands the military defence of the country; and with respect to the civil government, the Nabob bound himself to appoint, with their advice, a Naib Subah, or deputy, who should manage it, and not be removed without their consent. choice of this person also presented a difficulty. Nundcomar, a Hindoo, whom we have seen in the service of Suraj-ud-dowlah, a man of the most faithless and unprincipled character, and in secret the bitter foe of the English, had ingratiated himself so much with Meer Jaffier, during his late long residence at Calcutta, that on his restoration he asked permission to employ him as his minister. To this Vansittart was opposed, which was a sufficient reason with the majority to grant it. Now, however, as Mr. Vansittart was no longer there to be opposed, and Nundcomar had acted in his usual manner, they refused to consent to his appointment, and proposed Mohammed Reza Khân, a Mussulman, of respectable character; and in spite of the artifices of Nundcomar, he became the Naib Subah.

The Court of Directors had, twice during the past year, written out, condemning the private trade, and giving orders for its cessation. They had particularly reprobated the article in the treaty with Meer Jaffier, taking off all duties from it, except the small one on salt. Yet, in the face of that prohibition, the council now had the hardihood to insert that very article in the treaty made with Nûjum-ud-dowlah. Further, the Company had devised covenants, to be signed by all the civil and military servants, binding them not to receive any present beyond one thousand rupees, without the consent of the Court of Directors; and these covenants had reached Calcutta before the death of Meer Jaffier; and when we recollect the principles laid down by Mr. Johnstone, respecting the pre

sents received from Meer Cossim, we might surely expect to find all hands clean on the present occasion. But not so; the covenants were pronounced to be absurd and unreasonable, and presents to the amount of about eleven lacs of rupees were received from the Nabob1, beside presents from Reza Khân and Jugget Seit, the banker 2.

Meantime, the accounts which had reached England of the massacre at Patna, and the war with the vizîr, had filled the proprietors with such alarm, that they deemed Clive the only man able to retrieve the Company's affairs in Bengal, and he was accordingly appointed governor of that presidency. We must therefore cast a glance at what had been taking place at home of late years.

CHAPTER XI.

Clive in England-His Return to Bengal-Treaties with the Vizir and Emperor-Clive's Plan of Reform-Salt-Society-Mutiny of English Officers-Suppressed by Clive -His Return to England-Death and Character. WHEN Clive returned to England, in 1760, his income arising from his jagheer and his money was upwards of 40,000l. a year. He met with a most flattering reception from the young king, the ministry, and the Court of Directors. He was created an Irish peer, and had a promise of the order of the Bath. He also became a member of the House of Commons, and, to increase his influence there, purchased seats for several of his friends. But he had his enemies, especially Mr. Lawrence Sulivan, at that time chairman of the Court of Directors; and he had not been long in England, when he received an intimation from that gentleman that the Directors had some thoughts of questioning his right to his jagheer. The breach between them was widened by the circumstance of their being of opposite sides in politics. As one great mind attracts another, Clive admired and supported Pitt; he was also the intimate friend of Mr. George Grenville. Sulivan was of the party of Lord Bute, the actual minister. This nobleman had made overtures to Clive to join him, but they were rejected. It was then resolved, as he could not be gained, to weaken him as much as possible, by attacking his wealth and his character.

Clive seems to have considered that it was necessary for him to become a director in order to secure himself. At that time the whole of the directors were annually elected, and the qualification of a voter was the holding of 500. stock. This no doubt was presumed to be bona fide property; but as the law was not strict it was easy to

1 Mr. Spencer, who had lately come from Bombay, and succeeded Mr. Vansittart, had two lacs of rupees (23,333.); Mr. Johnstone, 2,37,000 (27,6507.); Mr. Senior, 1,72,500 (20,1251.); Mr. Middleton, 1,22,500 (14,2917); Mr. Leycester, 1,12,500 rupees (13,1257.) These four formed the deputation for arranging the treaty with the Nabob. Messrs. Pleydell, Burdett, and Gray, members of council, had each one lac (11,6667.); and Mr. Gideon Johnstone, the brother of the deputy, and who was not even in the Company's service, had 50,000 (58334.).

2 The cousin, and successor of those murdered by Meer Cossim.

A. D. 1765.

elude it, and the practice grew up of what was called splitting votes, that is, giving fictitious qualifications, as in the analogous case of members of parliament. On this occasion Clive split 200,000l.; he was, however, defeated, and the victorious party now resolved to make him feel their vengeance.

Orders were immediately sent out to Bengal not to pay any longer to the agents of Lord Clive the rent of his jagheer. No public reason was assigned; but Mr. Sulivan, in a private letter to Mr. Vansittart, stated that it was "because all cordiality between the Court of Directors and Lord Clive was at an end." As his only remedy, Clive filed a bill in chancery; the most eminent legal opinions were taken on both sides, and all were in favour of Clive, whose right to the jagheer, they truly stated, was precisely the same as that of the Company to the lands from which it issued. Nothing could be more flimsy or futile than the reasons assigned by the Directors; still they went on, and would have gone on harassing him, out of pure spite, had not the intelligence from India arrived which determined the proprietors to obtain, if possible, Clive's services once more in that country. At the ensuing election for the Court of Directors, Mr. Sulivan and his party were defeated, and Mr. Ross, whom Lord Clive supported, became chairman. An arrangement, which Clive himself proposed, was made respecting his jagheer, namely, that he should enjoy it for ten years, if he lived so long, and if the lands whence it issued remained so long in the possession of the Company. He was appointed Governor and Commander-in-chief of Bengal, for which he soon after set sail, and he reached Calcutta on the 3rd May, 1765. He was accompanied by Mr. Sumner and Mr. Sykes, who, with Mr. Verelst and Gen. Carnac, were to form a Select Committee, armed with extraordinary powers for the correction of abuses.

On the second day after their arrival the Committee entered on their duties. Mr. Leycester and Mr. Johnstone attempted to dispute their power; but Clive silenced them by declaring that they should not enter into any discussion on the subject, but might record their dissent if they pleased. They then submitted. Soon after, the subject of the covenants was brought forward, which the Committee insisted should be executed without delay. This also was done, but with much ill-will and discontent. On the complaint of the Nabob that Mohammed Reza Khân had impoverished his treasury by the large amount of presents given to the Company's servants, an inquiry was instituted into these presents. Mr. Johnstone defended himself and colleagues by alleging the example of Clive himself; but he did not state that, at that time, the Company had given no opinion on the subject, whereas he and his companions had acted in direct disobedience to the will of their masters. Mohammed Reza Khân was acquitted of the charges made against him; but Roy Dûllûb and Jugget Seit were joined in office with him.

On the 3rd May, the very day of Clive's landing, Gen. Carnac defeated at Corah the vizîr of Oude, who had been joined by a body of Marattas and other native troops. After this defeat the vizîr resolved to throw himself on the generosity of the English; and on the 19th he entered their camp, where he was received with the greatest respect; but the conclusion of the treaty was deferred till

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the arrival of Clive. It was deemed the more prudent course to restore him the whole of his dominions, with the exception of Corah and Allahabâd, which were reserved for the emperor. He agreed to pay fifty lacs of rupees for the expenses of the war, and engaged never to harbour or employ Meer Cossim or Sumroo. He also engaged not to molest Rajah Bulwunt Sing, who held under him the zemindaries of Benâres and Ghâzipûr, and who had joined the English. At his earnest desire an article of free trade and factories in his dominions was omitted in the treaty.

The emperor was next to be dealt with. By the arrangement made with him in the time of Meer Jaffier, he was to be paid twenty-six lacs of rupees a year out of the revenues of the three provinces, and have jagheers to the annual amount of five lacs and a half. These jagheers he was now told he must resign, as also his claim to an arrear of thirty-two lacs then due to him. To his remonstrances Clive replied that, in consequence of the war, which had been in a great measure on his account, not a rupee could be paid; and he was obliged to submit. He was then asked to grant the Company the dewanee of the three provinces, for which they agreed to yield him twenty-six lacs a year, and to this he gave a ready consent, as he had already offered it; the nizamut was at the same time assured to the Nabob. The firmân to this important grant bears date 12th August, 1765. It had been previously arranged with the Nabob that he should be content with fifty lacs a year for the support of himself and family, the Company having to bear all the expenses of government 3.

Clive now was able to devote himself to the arduous task of effecting reformations and retrenchments in the service. And here the difficulty was of no little magnitude. As the salaries which the Company gave their servants were notoriously inadequate to their support, they were allowed, by way of compensation, to receive presents, after the usage of the country, and to engage in private trade. As long as the Company was a mere trading society, the evils which thence resulted were comparatively of little importance; but now that it had become a sovereign power, whose authority was wielded by its servants, those evils assumed a magnitude which could not have been dreamed of previously. It was easy then for the Company to impose covenants and prohibit private trade; but to prevent the evils in this way was impossible.

Clive saw the difficulty. He saw, too, that the only remedy was to give the servants of the Company such incomes as would enable them to live as their rank required, and offer them a fair prospect of retiring with an independence. But he knew the Company and their frugal mercantile habits too well to hope that they would ever give their consent to large sums being taken for this purpose out of their resources; and if they were to give it, he had little doubt but that the cupidity of mi

"The

3 He was quite delighted at this arrangement. only reflection he made on leaving me," says Clive, "was, 'Thank God! I shall now have as many dancing-girls as I please." Life of Clive, iii. 125.

4 That of a member of council was only 2501. a year, of a factor 1401., and of a writer, as lately increased, 1301.; while the rent of even an indifferent house was 2001., and, as Clive asserted, a councillor could not live under 3000%. a year.

nisters would be excited, and they would be eager to grasp at this mode of providing for the younger sons of the nobility and their other supporters, and thus put the affairs of India into the hands of the ignorant and the incapable.

The plan which he devised was as follows. At all times (and even down to the present day) the manufacture and sale of salt in India has been a monopoly; it is such even in France. This monopoly was usually granted to some favourite of the prince, who sold the salt at his own price to the native traders. Clive then proposed that it should be held by a joint-stock society composed of the governor, the members of council, and the principal civil and military servants of the Company. These shares were to be fifty-six in number, of which the governor was to hold five, the second in council and the general three each, ten members of council and two colonels two each, one chaplain, fourteen senior merchants, and three lieut.-colonels each two-thirds of a share; the remaining nine shares were to be divided among a certain number of factors, majors, surgeons, and others (twentyseven in all) in the proportion of a third of a share to each. A committee of four was to manage the affairs of the society. A tax of thirty-five per cent. on the sales was to be paid to the Company, and the selling prices at the different depôts was fixed at from twelve to fifteen per cent. less than the average rates of the twenty preceding years. The whole capital of the association was thirty-two lacs of sicca rupees, each member furnishing capital according to his share.

A reform was also to be effected in the army; and here Clive experienced his greatest difficulty, for military men have a known horror of retrenchment. After the battle of Plassy, Meer Jaffier had granted double batta or camp-allowance to the English forces which he was to pay. Clive warned them at the time that it could be only temporary, and the Company would never continue it. His prediction was verified; for as soon as the Nabob assigned the Company certain districts for the expenses of the army, orders were sent out to abolish the double batta. These orders were often repeated, but always neglected, and when Clive was coming out, the subject was strongly urged upon him by the Directors.

According to a plan proposed by Clive, the Company's troops had been regimented and formed into three brigades. Of these the first under Lieut.colonel Sir Robert Fletcher was in garrison at Mongheer, the second under Col. R. Smith was at Allahabad to protect the emperor from the Marattas; the third was at Bankipore under Col. Sir Robert Barker. An order was issued that, from the 1st January, 1766, double batta to the European officers should cease, except to those of the second brigade, while it should be actually in the field; half batta was to be allowed to those at Patna and Mongheer when not on service, but none to those at Calcutta. The reduction took place accordingly; but the officers at Mongheer held secret meetings, at which a general resignation of their commissions was agreed on; their plans were communicated to the other brigades, and about 200 commissions of captains and subalterns were ready to be placed in the hands of the commanding officer on the 1st June, though they were to offer to serve as volunteers till the 15th,

to give time for an answer to come from Calcutta. They bound themselves by oath to secrecy, and to preserve, at the hazard of their lives, any one of them who should be sentenced to death by a court martial; each was bound by a penalty of 500l. not to accept of his commission again unless double batta was restored. Subscriptions, to which many civilians contributed, were made for those who might be cashiered. Their hopes were now greatly raised by tidings of the approach of 50,000 or more Marattas to Corah. Col. Smith was in consequence ordered to encamp at Serajapûr with the whole of the second brigade, except the European regiment which remained at Allahabâd on account of the heat.

In the month of March, Clive and Gen. Carnac proceeded to Moorshedabâd to regulate various important matters. Clive there received a letter from Mr. Verelst and the council, containing a remonstrance from the officers of the third brigade on the subject of the batta. On the 28th April he had a letter from Sir R. Fletcher, informing him that the officers of his brigade intended sending him their commissions at the end of the month. He also enclosed a letter from Sir R. Barker, intimating that there was something of the same kind meditated in the third brigade also. A quarrel among the officers, it appears, had brought the whole to light, and it was in consequence of this that they had now fixed the 1st May, instead of 1st June, for their resignation.

The

In his reply to Col. Fletcher, Clive declared that any officer who offered to resign should be dismissed the service, and never be restored. knowledge which he soon obtained of the combination being general, did not alter his resolution, though he feared, lest the troops might support their officers. He directed the council to write to Madras for all the officers and cadets that could be spared, and to apply to the free merchants to come forward, and act as officers. At his desire, also, the council resolved, that all commissions tendered should be accepted, and those who tendered them be sent to Calcutta.

Early in May, Clive and Carnac set out for Mongheer, and finding, by a letter which he received from Sir R. Fletcher on the way, that the mutineers were writing to Madras, to prevent the officers there from coming to Bengal, Clive wrote to Calcutta, to direct all private letters for that presidency to be stopped, and to Sir R. Fletcher, to secure the assistance of the sergeants and of the native officers. He had already sent forward such faithful officers as he could collect, and these, on coming to Mongheer, reproached the others with their ingratitude to a man who had lately given so large a sum to form a fund for their invalids and widows. They said that Sir R. Fletcher had never told them of this, and accused him of being the originator of the whole plan. On the 13th, the European soldiers got under arms, to support their officers; but the appearance of Capt. Smith, with the Sepoy battalion, reduced them to order. When Sir R. Fletcher addressed them and distributed money, they told him they had understood that he was to head them; but as that was not the case, they would return to their duty. On the 15th Clive arrived, and Sir R. Fletcher then owned that he had known of the plot since January, and that he had affected to approve of it, that nothing

A. D. 1766-67.

might be done without his knowledge. Clive made no remark. He addressed the troops, mentioning his own donation, and he ordered double pay to the native troops for May and June.

In the camp at Serajepûr, though a battle was expected every day, all the officers but two tendered their resignation; some immediately, others after the 1st June. The former Col. Smith ordered to proceed at once to Calcutta. At Allahabâd the officers of the European regiment declared that they would set out for Calcutta on the 20th May. As Major Smith, who commanded there, found that their men would support them, he sent for an old battalion of Sepoys which had long been under his command; and these men, having accomplished the march of 104 miles from Serajepûr in fifty-four hours, arrived just as the officers were departing. Major Smith then made them submit and apologise, and he sent only six of them to Calcutta, whither Col. Smith also sent one-half of his officers.

Owing to the firmness of Lord Clive, of Col. Smith, and others, and to the staunch fidelity of the Sepoys, the mutiny was now at an end. The principal leaders being under arrest and ordered to prepare for trial, consternation and repentance became general. Some had been inveigled, some frightened, into the plot. Pardon was therefore extended to many; but they were obliged to sign a contract to serve three years, and not to retire without having given a year's notice. Six officers were tried and found guilty of mutiny; but owing to a defect in the Mutiny Act, not one was sentenced to death. Sir R. Fletcher 5, who was the real author of the mutiny, was tried by court-martial, on the prosecution of Capt. Goddard and some other officers, found guilty, and cashiered. The only civilians to whom the charge of aiding the officers could be brought home, though there was no doubt of the guilt of many of high standing, were Mr. Higginson, sub-secretary to the Council, and Mr. Grindal, of the secretary's office. These gentlemen were dismissed.

We have just seen Clive's generosity to the army mentioned. The following was the occasion. Meer Jaffier, who was always attached to Clive, and who could not but reflect on how differently he had acted toward him, when dying, left him a legacy of five lacs of rupees. The money was in the hands of the present Nabob's mother, and some took on them to assert that it was a bribe, not a legacy. But of this there was no proof, and the probability is all on the other side. At all events Clive, who had given a solemn pledge that he would not in any way benefit himself by his government of India, declined receiving it. When, however, the double batta was to be taken from the officers, it occurred to him that, by taking this money, he might be able to form a fund for the advantage of themselves and their widows, he determined to accept it. The Company sanctioned the project; Nujum-ud-Dowlah's successor, at Clive's desire, added three lacs more; and thus was formed the institution at Poplar, for the sup

We shall meet this person again at Madras, selfish and disobedient as ever. A Mr. John Petrie, one of the ring

93

port of invalided officers and soldiers of the Company's service, which still exists.

While Clive was engaged in quelling the mutiny, the young Nabob died of a malignant fever. His death, as is always the case, was ascribed to poison, and the guilt, without even the shadow of a proof, was laid on the English. He was succeeded by his brother, Syuf-ud-Dowlah, a youth of sixteen years of age.

The profits of the salt monopoly having proved much greater than had been expected, the Company's duty was raised to fifty per cent., which it was calculated would yield 160,000l. a year. Clive, having observed the ill effects of employing, as had been done, European agents for the sale, it was now determined that it should be sold at Calcutta, or where it was made, to the native dealers, and to them only, excluding Europeans altogether. Clive, when this had been arranged, made a proposal for excluding every future governor from engaging in any way in trade, by giving him a per centage of 1 on the revenues, and making him bind himself by oath in a penalty of 150,000l. not to derive any advantage from his office, beyond this and his usual salary and perquisites.

But now letters came from the Directors, ordering the Society to be suppressed, and the trade to be thrown open and left entirely to the natives, but without any plan for compensating their servants. For the fact was, that the proprietors at home were so clamorous for an increase of dividend, that the Directors feared to make any diminution of their revenue. Clive, however, took upon him to act for what he deemed the real interests of the Company. He confirmed the grant to the Society for one year, after which it was to cease; thus giving the Directors time to devise some other plan for remunerating their servants.

It was the earnest request of the Directors to Clive, that he would remain another year in India; but this the state of his health prohibited, and he quitted its shores for ever in the end of January, 1767. He was once more received in England with every mark of respect; and, by a vote of the Court of Proprietors, his jagheer was continued to him or his heirs for another term of ten years after the present term should have expired. But a storm was to succeed. Mr. Sulivan was now chairman; Mr. Johnstone and the other Indian depredators were in England, and they stuck to Clive like bloodhounds, thirsting for vengeance. He had repeatedly, in Parliament, to explain and defend his various acts in India; and at length, in May, 1773, Col. Burgoyne, as chairman of a committee on Indian affairs, moved a resolution in the House, that Lord Clive had received, at the time of the deposition of Suraj-ud-Dowlah, various sums, amounting to 234,000l., and that "in so doing he abused the power with which he was entrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the public, and to the dishonour and detriment of the state." The motion that he had received those sums was carried; but for the latter part was substituted unanimously, "that he did at the same time render great and meritorious services to his country."

Though thus honourably acquitted, the fact of

returned to Bengal some time after high in the civil service, through the influence of his friends, the Johnstones, probably to spite Clive.

He was constitutionally melancholy; his liver had become diseased in India, and he was afflicted with gall-stones, his sufferings from which were so in