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A. D. 1844-45.

AFFAIRS OF THE PUNJAB.

large gratuities and increased pay, if they would aid him to avenge the death of his sovereign and his father. They evinced the utmost alacrity; and the following day the citadel was invested by 50,000 men. The Sindawalas made a desperate resistance, but toward evening it was taken by storm; and Ajeet, Lena, and 600 of the garrison were put to the sword. The soldiers now were not to be restrained; they murdered and plundered at their will in the city, whence every one fled that could, including the French officers.

The young Dhuleep Sing was now proclaimed Maharajah; and Heera Sing, though only threeand-twenty, became his vizîr. He was supported by his uncles, and by Lena Sing Majethia, the most respectable of the Sikh sirdars. The great difficulty was to keep the Khalsas in order; and for this purpose large sums of money were distributed among them. But as it was found impossible to satisfy their cupidity, attempts were made to counterbalance their power, by introducing a great number of Hindustanees into the service, and by the presence of a large body of hillmen, which Gholab Sing brought down from Jummoo.

But Heera Sing was not destined to taste of tranquillity in his high post. His uncle, Sûchet, speedily became discontented. The Mâe Chund, the mother of Dhuleep, a clever but unprincipled woman, aided by her brother, Jowahir Sing, soon contrived (Nov. 24) to get the young Maharajah out of the city; and Jowahir, presenting him to the troops, implored them to save him from Heera, who was determined to destroy him. Heera, however, easily convinced the soldiers of the falsehood of this charge, and Jowahir Sing was put in irons. But now Suchet declared openly for Mâe Chund, and two adopted sons of Runjeet, Kashmeera Sing and Peshora Sing, having escaped from the custody in which Heera had placed them, took arms, and were joined by several of the Khalsas; Sûchet, hearing that the army at Lahore was disaffected, and would willingly act under his command, approached that city with not more than 600 men. His nephew moved against him with 20,000 of the Khalsas; and Sûchet, madly rushing on them, perished sword in hand (March 27, 1844).

The news of this event caused the two princes to quit the place where they then were; but they were soon after joined by a priest of great influence named Bhae Bheerling, and by Lena Sing Majethia, and by Uttur Sing the head of the Sindawala family. They marched down the right bank of the Beyah till they were met (May 6th) by Heera Sing, who had again induced the Khalsa soldiery to declare for him. In the battle that ensued they were totally defeated, Kashmeera Sing, Uttur Sing, and the Bhâe, were slain. Peshora, who had fled in the commencement of the action, and Lena Sing, sought refuge in the British territories. Heera Sing on his return to Lahore was formally installed in the office of prime-minister, receiving the title of Rajah Saheb. He endeavoured to reform the army by giving their discharge to all the Sikhs that sought it, and by enlisting Mohammedans and Hindustanees in their places. He also dismissed all the remaining European officers, and began to manifest a strong anti-English feeling.

But whatever might have been the intentions of the Rajah Saheb toward the English, he was

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not destined to put them into execution. The Mâe and her brother had not ceased to intrigue against him; the old Khalsa chiefs had always disliked the Jummoo family and the Dogur clan to which they belonged; and the army, now that he could not supply their ever-craving avarice, had grown at least indifferent. Jowahir Sing began his manoeuvres by asking for a military command. This the Rajah Saheb refused, but he gave him a jagheer on which he required him to reside. But he only went to Amritsîr, the great seat of the Sikh religion, whence he carried on his intrigues. The Rajah Saheb was preparing to act against him; but meantime the punchayets or committees of five of the different corps of the army-who, by the way, greatly resemble the agitators of the days of Charles I. and Cromwellhad renounced their allegiance to him, and pledged themselves to acknowledge no other authority than that of the Mâe, and such as she should appoint. Heera assembled the officers (Dec. 20), and telling them that as he owed his authority, which was now disputed by the Mâe and her party, to the army, he was ready to resign it if such was their desire. The officers required time to retire and consult with the troops whom the Mâe and her friends meantime had gained over completely; and on the 21st they all assembled, and Jowahir Sing taking the young Maharajah placed him on a state elephant, and presented him to them. Heera

next day seeing the turn affairs had taken, set out for Jummoo with some of his friends, and about 600 soldiers. But he was overtaken by Jowahir Sing before he had gone more than fifteen miles. His men abandoned him; and himself and his friends having taken shelter in a house the Khalsas set fire to it, and they were forced to come out; he offered in vain to surrender; they were ruthlessly cut to pieces, and their heads were stuck over the gates of Lahore.

The Ranee, as we are now to call her, proposed that the vacant office of vizîr should be given to her brother. But the troops refused, and they sent to offer it to Lena Sing who was residing at Benares; by whom, however, it was prudently declined. They at the same time sent an offer of the post of commander-in-chief to Peshora Sing who was at Ferozepore, by whom it was eagerly embraced. But on coming to Lahore, he found the Ranee and her party too strong for him, and he was forced to be content with a jagheer at Sealkôt. It was also proposed at this time in the durbar, to recall the European officers, in order to conduct operations against Gholab Sing, whom the Khalsa chiefs were anxious to destroy; but the troops would not heed them; they treated their officers at their caprice, and their punchayets were the real rulers of the state, the affairs of which were conducted, under them, by the Ranee, her brother, and the Bhâe Ram Sing, the young Maharajah's guardian. Of these the first was a woman of talent, and even of education, for she could write, a thing so rare with Oriental females; the second, a drunken profligate without either talent or education; the third, a man of energy and capacity.

In the month of February (1845) about 9000 of the Khalsas were induced by the hope of plunder to march against Gholab Sing. That prudent chief having removed the greater part of his trea

sure to an impregnable fortress, awaited their attack at Jummoo. He was meantime negotiating with them and with their commander Lal Sing, and he agreed to pay down to them fifteen lacs of rupees, and at a future period to transmit fifty lacs to the treasury. A party was accordingly sent on to Jummoo to whom the money was paid; but as they were on their way back, they were fallen on by the hillmen, who cut them nearly all to pieces, and recovered the treasure for Gholab Sing. The Khalsas, in a rage at having been thus tricked, attacked the troops of the rajah; but they experienced a repulse, and shortly after he fell on their camp, and killed about 2000 men beside several of their sirdars. A great number of them were soon induced to join him; and he then marched for Lahore at the head of 17,000 men. As he approached that city, more of the troops went over to him, and he felt so conscious of his strength and influence, that he accepted an invitation to enter it. He was received at the durbar with the greatest honour; he laid his head on the ground before the purdah, or curtain, behind which the Ranee sat, in token of respect and obedience. She caused him and her brother to join hands in proof of friendship, and she made him an offer of the vizîriat, which, however, he prudently declined; but he accepted the command of the army. With great difficulty the Ranee at length succeeded in inducing the troops to consent to the appointment of her brother to the office of vizîr.

In the month of May the capital was visited by the cholera morbus, which carried off 22,000 persons, soldiers as well as citizens. While it lasted, it gave some check to the riot and disorder that prevailed in court and camp; but as soon as it began to decline, they broke out with redoubled force. Drunkenness, the most prominent vice of the court of Runjeet Sing, was dominant; the Ranee herself drank to such excess, that her faculties began to be impaired, and she was sinking into stupor her lust also knew no bounds; Lal Sing, but not he alone, was her known paramour. The vizîr often got so drunk among horsejockeys, common servants, and dancing-girls, that he was for days unable to hold a durbar. Even the young Maharajah was not exempt from the common vice.

Encouraged by the appearance of things in Lahore, Peshora Sing raised the standard of revolt. The troops sent against him were defeated; he made himself master of Attock, and the Khalsa troops that marched to recover it joined his standard. He was invited to Lahore, with an assurance that the leading sirdars were resolved to place him on the throne, and that the army was all in his favour. He fell into the trap, and was murdered on his way thither toward the end of August. Gholab Sing, now seeing another revolution a-brewing, in which he did not wish to have any share, quitted the capital, on the usual pretext of his wishing to pay a visit to his estates.

About the middle of September, the army encamped on the plain of Mujan Meer, close to Lahore. The punchayets met in nightly deliberation, and they sent their commands to all the officers of the government. They required the Ranee to repair to the camp with her son, and to deliver up her brother, and the murderers of Peshora Sing, if he were really dead. The Ranee and

her brother tried to negotiate; but the troops were inexorable. They even attempted to engage them in collision with the British, but with as little success. The vizîr then by bribing the troops at the fort thought to make his escape, but he was stopped by those at the gate and was forced to return. Finding all further evasion hopeless, the Ranee ascended her palankeen (21st), and followed by her son on a state-elephant with Jowahir Sing in the howdah with him, she proceeded to the | camp. It being dark when she reached it, she was conducted forthwith to a tent prepared for her. The driver of the Maharajah's elephant was ordered to make him kneel, and on his hesitating he was fired at and wounded. When the animal knelt, the Maharajah was taken out and conveyed to his mother's tent. The elephant was then made to rise, and a volley was poured into the howdah. Jowahir Sing, who had not been struck, began to plead for his life; but a second volley brought him to the ground, and he was then cut to pieces. In the morning the Ranee was permitted to return to the fort; and as she passed the body of her brother she burst into loud lamentations. It was given up to her to be burnt; and as the barbarous practice of suttee still prevails in the Punjâb, four of his wives were induced to immolate themselves. Even these poor creatures were plundered of their jewels and ornaments by the brutal soldiery. They died pouring forth blessings on the Ranee and her friends, and imprecating curses on the Khalsas, declaring that during the present year the Sikhs would lose their independence, their sect be annihilated, and the wives of the Khalsas be widows. As the last words of these victims are esteemed prophetic, these assertions made a deep impression on the hearers.

The

While the office of regent was left with the Ranee, the troops, like the prætorian guards at Rome, actually put the vizîriat up to auction; Lal Sing offered fifteen rupees a man, but they would not have him on any account; another offered eighteen rupees. Gholab Sing was the person they wished to have, provided he would raise their pay, and give them a liberal donation; but he declined, as also did Tej Sing, the governor of Peshawur, who had come to Lahore. Ranee then proposed to decide the question by lot, in a way that was much used by Runjeet Sing, namely, by five slips of paper, two of which should be blank, and the remainder contain the names of persons from whom the selection was to be made. These names were Gholab, Tej, and Lal Sing; the young Maharajah drew the lot, and by chance or management, it proved to be that of the last named; but still the troops would not have him. The Ranee then, giving up in a great degree her debaucheries, displayed her former energy, and carried on the government herself. But want of money put it almost out of her power to manage the rapacious soldiery, who were now on the point of proclaiming the infant son of Sher Sing. To avert this danger, she and her party proposed to them to cross the Sutlej, and invade the British territory, where a rich harvest of plunder might be gathered. The punchayets held long and anxious deliberations on the subject; at length, confident in their strength, and urged by their cupidity, they called (Nov. 17th) on their commanders, Tej

A. D. 1845.

BATTLES OF MOODKEE AND FEROZESHUHUR.

Sing and Lal Sing, to lead them to the Sutlej, pledging themselves to be faithful, and to obey their orders. The resolution was approved of by the durbar, and money for the purpose was taken from the sacred treasury at Govind-ghur, and the Sikh army of 60,000 men and 200 guns marched for the Sutlej.

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possessions of the Maharajah, on the left bank of that river, confiscated and annexed to the British dominions.

On the 18th, the British troops were concentrated at Moodkee, only ten miles in advance of the entrenched camp of the Sikhs at Ferozeshuhur. While, wearied with their march, they were cooking their meals, intelligence arrived that the Sikhs were in full march to surprise their camp. Sir Hugh Gough immediately pushed on with the

To get rid of their turbulent soldiery was, as we may perceive, the real cause for their rushing madly into war with the British: the reasons assigned were four, namely; the military prepara-horse-artillery and cavalry, directing the infantry tions made by the British; their not giving up eighteen lacs of rupees said to have been deposited by Sûchet Sing in the treasury at Ferozepore; the non-restitution by the Rajah of Nabba (a protected Sikh) of a village which had escheated to him; the refusal of a passage to the Khalsa troops to the Sikh possessions on the British side of the Sutlej. Vigorous efforts, it is also said, had of late been made to seduce the Hindoos in the British service from their allegiance, by appealing to their religious prejudices, and by promising them promotion and reward. Though these attempts had been utterly without effect, the Sikhs relied so much on them, that Lal Sing openly vaunted that he would bring over the whole British army, and take Ferozepore without fighting.

Never, it may be observed, was a war more unprovoked. The conduct of the British government, ever since the death of Runjeet Sing, toward that of Lahore, had been the most friendly conceivable. Advice and warnings were given, and provocations were overlooked. Precautions were no doubt taken against an outbreak like the present, but the actual occurrence of such an event had been hardly ever contemplated.

he Sikh troops marched from Lahore (24th) in parallel divisions, and they assembled (Dec. 8) on various points of the Lower Sutlej, or Garra, from opposite Ferozepore to Huree-Ke Ghât, at the junction of that river with the Beyah. After a halt of two days, they commenced the passage by a bridge of boats at Sobraon, about ten miles above Ferozepore, and in three days their whole army with its guns was on the British side of the river. Having partly invested Ferozepore, they moved on to Ferozeshuhur, about ten miles in advance of that place, where they took up an entrenched position. This camp contained about 50,000 men with 108 guns.

The Governor-general had set out from Calcutta for the Upper Provinces in October. On the 26th November, having received intelligence from his agent, Major Broadfoot, of what the Sikhs were supposed to be contemplating, he held a conference at Kurnaul with Sir Hugh Gough, the commanderin-chief. He thence proceeded to Umbala, where he remained a few days making preparations for the campaign, which was now inevitable. On quitting that place (Dec. 6), he proceeded to Ferozepore, and thence to Loodiana, each of which was garrisoned so as to be able to hold out till it could be relieved. From the latter, however, he withdrew the garrison of 5000 men to be joined with the troops coming from Umbala, leaving the infirm soldiers to defend the fort. When he heard that the Sikh troops had crossed the Sutlej, he issued a proclamation, declaring the

6 It appears to have been increased of late; see p. 192.

and field-train to follow. He found the enemy about two miles off posted in the plain to the number of from 15,000 to 20,000 infantry, and as much cavalry, with 40 guns; their infantry and artillery being in part skreened by jungle and sandy hillocks. As the British troops were forming, the Sikhs opened a heavy cannonade on them, which was speedily returned; and some of the British cavalry, after driving off their cavalry, got into their rear, and silenced their guns for a time. The infantry now advanced, the resistance of the Sikhs was resolute, but they were driven from position to position with great slaughter by the British bayonet, and they retired with the loss of 17 guns. Among those who fell on the British side were Sir R. Sale and Sir John McCaskill.

After a halt of two days to refresh the men, the army, having been joined by two European regiments, moved in quest of the enemy, leaving the baggage and wounded at Moodkee under the protection of two native regiments (21st). When they came near to Ferozeshuhur, they found the enemy posted in an entrenched camp, which formed a parallelogram a mile long and half a mile wide, including that village within its area. It was defended by more than 50,000 men, with 108 large guns fixed in batteries. The British, who had been joined by Gen. Sir John Littler with about 5000 men from Ferozepore, numbered only 16,700 men with 69 guns, chiefly horse-artillery.

The attack was made on one of the long sides of the parallelogram, the right wing being commanded by Sir Hugh Gough, the left by the Governor-general. Amid a storm of shot and shell, the British infantry advanced and carried the entrenchments, where they seized the guns; but the Sikh infantry, which was stationed behind their batteries, poured such a fire of musketry on them, that they had only carried a part of the works when darkness came on. They bivouacked for the night in the part they had gained, wearied and exhausted, and suffering severely from thirst, and exposed to the fire of the enemy's artillery. In the morning (22nd), the infantry formed in line with the horse artillery on the flanks, and the heavy guns in the centre. But a masked battery being found to play with great effect on this point, the two commanders placed themselves at the head of their respective wings; and the line advanced, driving the Sikhs before it out of their camp; then changing its front, it swept the camp in a transverse direction till the whole of the Sikhs had been driven out of it, and 73 guns and the standards had been captured. But the battle was not yet over. In about two hours Tej Sing brought up the battalions which had been before Ferozepore, and 30,000 irregulars, with which he made three desperate but unsuccessful attempts to retake the position, and he was finally forced to

retire with great loss. There were several charged mines in the camp, which as they blew up killed many of the British officers and men. Among those slain in this severe action was Major Broadfoot, the political agent.

Shortly after Tej Sing came to the camp and had an interview with the Governor-general, who refused to negotiate till the British troops should be under the walls of Lahore. On the 31st a proclamation was issued, calling on all Hindustanees in the Lahore service to put themselves under the orders of the British government, on pain of being dealt with as traitors.

As there was a depôt of grain protected by a small Sikh garrison at Dhermcôt, half-way between Ferozepore and Loodiana and near the Upper Sutlej, Gen. Sir H. Smith was sent, with only a single brigade, to take it (Jan. 18, 1846). This he easily effected; but meantime the Sikh sirdar, Runjoor Sing, had crossed at Fellôr opposite Loodiana, and threatened that place. Gen. Smith was then directed to move in that direction with his brigade, and a second brigade under Brig. Wheeler to follow and support him. Gen. Smith did not reach Loodiana without sustaining some loss; but he was joined there by the troops of the garrison and other reinforcements. Runjoor Sing being now cut off from the ford at Fellôr, moved for one lower down the river; and having been reinforced from the other side by 4000 of the troops disciplined by Gen. Avitabili, with cavalry and artillery, he quitted the river, and prepared to advance inland toward Jugroon, to intercept the communication between Loodiana and Moodkee. Gen. Smith marched at daylight on the 28th in quest of the enemy, whom, when he had gone about six miles, he saw in motion on a ridge on which stood the village of Aliwal. The British formed, and advancing under a heavy cannonade carried the village; the enemy's left was driven back, but Avitabili's corps on the right offered greater resistance. Charge after charge with the bayonet was made; and the Sikhs were gradually pressed to the passage of the river which was at hand. Here they flung themselves into boats or into the stream, and the opposite bank was soon covered with the wreck of their army. The whole of their guns, 57 in number, were taken, spiked, or sunk in the river. All the forts held by the Sikhs on the left bank of the river were now evacuated.

The main body of the Sikh army had retired over the bridge of boats at Sobraon, but they still held the tête de pont, and their strong entrenchments on the left bank, in which they had left 30,000 men and 70 pieces of cannon. This position was so strong, that Sir Hugh Gough did not think himself justified in attacking it till he should have been joined by Sir H. Smith, and have received a siege-train and ammunition from Delhi. When these had arrived, he prepared (Feb. 10) to assail the enemy's works. The infantry was drawn up in three divisions, two resting on the river to the left and right of the enemy's entrenchments, and the third in front; the artillery was placed in a large semicircle surrounding a great portion of them; the cavalry was partly in reserve, partly at a ford, where that of the enemy under Lal Sing was drawn up on the opposite bank.

Shortly after daybreak the British batteries

opened; but they were unable to silence those of the enemy. At nine o'clock, therefore, two brigades of the division on the British left, supported by artillery, moved to the attack. Pressing on under a tremendous fire, they entered the entrenchments, driving the Sikhs in confusion before them. The right and centre now advanced to the attack, and a furious conflict raged along the entire line. The Sikhs fought with desperation; where the entrenchments had been carried by the bayonet, they sought to recover them sword in hand; and it was not till the cavalry, having entered by single files in openings in the works, made by the sappers, and forming again inside, galloped up and down, cutting down the men at the guns and works, and the whole of the infantry and artillery had poured in, that the fire of the Sikhs ceased, and they rushed in masses to the bridge and the river. As they were endeavouring to get across, they were massacred by the discharges of the horseartillery; and hundreds and hundreds of them were drowned, and carried along by the waters of the Sutlej. Their total loss is computed at 8000 men; that of the British was also severe, including Major-general Dick, who commanded the left division. Sixty-seven more of the Sikh guns, and 200 camel-swivels, were captured on this

occasion.

On the night of the day of this great victory, the advanced brigades of the British were thrown across the Sutlej; and on the 13th, the whole army was encamped at Kasoor, sixteen miles beyond that river, on the road to Lahore, where it was joined next day by the Governor-general. On that day (14th) a proclamation was issued, declaratory of the intentions of the British government, and calling on the Sikh chiefs to give their aid in establishing a proper government in the Punjâb. On the following day (15th), Gholab Sing and two other envoys arrived from Lahore, with full powers to agree to whatever terms the Governor-general might be pleased to dictate.

When tidings of the fatal day at Sobraon had reached Lahore, the Ranee and her durbar urged Gholab Sing, who happened to be there, to go to the British camp, and make the best terms for them that he could. He refused, unless the durbar and the chief officers, and the punchayets of the army, would sign a solemn declaration, that they would abide by such terms as he should succeed in obtaining from the Governor-general. This was done immediately, and he and his colleagues set out for the British camp. Sir H. Hardinge received them in solemn durbar, and having observed on the unwarrantable conduct of the chiefs and the army, and commended Gholab Sing for his wisdom in keeping himself clear of their proceedings, he referred them to Mr. Currie, his chief secretary, and Major Lawrence, his political agent, for the particulars of the treaty which he would propose. These parties remained in conference the greater part of the night, and before they separated the treaty was signed.

By this treaty the Maharajah was to cede to the British, in perpetuity, the Jullundur Doab, or country between the rivers Beyah and Sutlej; to pay a crore and half of rupees for the expenses of the war; to disband the present army, and reorganize it; to surrender all the guns that had been pointed against the British, and cede to them

A. D. 1846.

TREATIES-CONCLUSION.

the entire control of both banks of the Sutlej, with sundry other arrangements.

It was also arranged that the Maharajah should meet the Governor-general on the 18th, at Lulleana, half-way between the Sutlej and Lahore. The meeting took place accordingly; the young prince sued for pardon, and was admitted to favour. He accompanied the army on its progress to Lahore; and on the 20th it encamped on the plain of Mujan Meer, under the walls of that capital. The remains of the Sikh army, now less than 20,000 men, with thirty-five guns, was at Raeban, about eighteen miles east of Lahore, under Tej Sing and Lal Sing. In the afternoon the Maharajah was escorted to his palace by some regiments of British cavalry, and a salute of twenty-one guns was fired. On the 22nd, Sir Hugh Gough led a brigade into the city, and took possession of a part

of the citadel.

On the 8th March, at a conference held for signing the treaty, a letter was presented from the Maharajah, praying that some British regiments, with artillery, might be let to remain for a few months at Lahore, while the Sikh army was being re-organized. To this the Governor-general consented, declaring, however, that in no case should they remain longer than to the end of the year. Next day (9th) the treaty was formally ratified in the Governor-general's state-tent, the Maharajah and the Sikh chiefs, the British commanders, and a native officer from every regiment, being present. Instead of the crore of rupees, the Maharajah agreed to cede his possessions in the hill-country, between the Beyah and the Indus, including Cashmere and Hazara; the Sikh army was to be reduced to 20,000 foot and 12,000 horse, and no European or American was to be employed without the sanction of the British; Gholab Sing was to be recognized as an independent prince, in such territories as the British government should be pleased to make over to him, &c. &c.

It having been the intention of the British government to confer an independent sovereignty on Gholab Sing, a treaty was signed with that chief (16th), by which, on his engaging to pay seventyfive lacs of rupees, the whole of the hill-country between the Indus and the Ravee, including Cashmere, was made over to him. He was each year to present the British government, in acknowledgment of its supremacy, with one horse, twelve shawl-goats, and three pair of Cashmere shawls; and he was to employ no European or American without its consent.

When the accounts of these great victories reached England, they naturally caused high satisfaction, as they proved that all India was reduced to peace, and that any stain which the Afghân calamities might have left on our arms was effaced. The Governor-general and the Commander-inchief were, as they well deserved to be, raised to the peerage, and the services of the army were gratefully acknowledged. The British troops remained at Lahore till the following month of December, when, as they were about to be withdrawn, the Sikh sirdars, fearing the return of the former disorders, unanimously requested that the occupation of the country might be continued during the Maharajah's minority, the troops to be paid out of the revenues of the country, and the government to be carried on under the direction of

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the British resident. Their wishes were complied with, and for the next ten years the state of Lahore is to remain under this form of government.

From the time when hostilities commenced between the French and English in the Carnatic, which led to interference in the concerns of the native princes, till that of the overthrow of the army of the Sikhs, exactly a century has elapsed. During that period the English, from the condition

of mere traders with a few factories on the coast of India, have become more completely the sovereigns of that extensive country, than any prince or any dynasty recorded in history. From the frontiers of Afghânistân to those of Ava, from the Himalaya to Cape Comorin, and including the great isle of Ceylon, there is not a single native state which is not directly or indirectly under their government. While Bengal, Bahar, the Upper Provinces of Delhi and Rohilcund, Sinde, the coast of the Deckan, and a large district in its northern part, with many other places, form directly a portion of the British empire, the two great Mohammedan princes, the King of Oude and the Nizâm, and the Hindoo rajahs of Nagpûr and Rajputana, and others, are subsidiary allies, to whom the internal administration of their states is left, while the defence of them is committed to a force paid by the state, but raised and officered by the British; and Residents are stationed at their courts to watch over and direct them. In other states, such as Mysore and Tanjore, the prince is a mere cipher, living on a pension, while the government is conducted by British functionaries. The entire population of India is estimated at about 140 millions, of whom only about eight millions are Mohammedans, and two-thirds of the whole live under the immediate government of the British.

Never has so large an empire been formed, with so little public violation of the great principles of justice 7. The wars which led to its formation were almost all wars of necessity; and had not the French, whose nature is so restless and encroaching, also had settlements in India, it may justly be doubted if the British would, even at the present day, appear there in any other character than that of merchants. Further, this empire thus acquired without crime, has been governed, in the main, with justice, directed by a sincere desire to promote the happiness of the people. Many errors, some no doubt of a serious nature, have been committed, but they arose in general from ignorance, and most of them have been corrected by time 8. With respect to the religions or superstitions of the native population, the conduct of the Company's government has been prudent and judicious. Their sys

7 The real or apparent exceptions have been fully noticed and animadverted on in the preceding pages.

8 For instance; in 1814, the Board of Control, acting on the representations of various persons in India, came to the conclusion, that the judicial system of 1793 had been an unwise departure from native institutions, and that a return to them would be the better course. This was done at Madras, in 1817; but what was the consequence? While the number of suits in these courts was only 362, those in the courts instituted by the English were 71,050; and each year the number of the former went on decreasing. The natives, in fact, saw where the purer justice was to be had; and their prejudices did not prevent them from seeking it there.

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