made his arrangements, had lain down to sleep, but, awaking at the alarm, he found all his men at their posts. The attack was furious on all points, but in the space of an hour the enemy, finding themselves every where repulsed, ceased from the storm, and began to carry off their dead. Perceiving that they were fired on when so engaged they ceased, and then renewed their fire on the fort. At two o'clock they asked, and obtained, a truce for two hours to remove their dead. The firing then recommenced, and was kept up till two in the morning, when it ceased, and at day-break news arrived of their having abandoned the town. The garrison marched out, and took possession of their guns and ammunition.

This memorable defence had lasted fifty days, and owing to deaths, wounds, and sickness, the number of those who repelled the storm was only 80 Europeans and 120 Sepoys. To the honour of these last it is recorded, that when provisions began to run short, they proposed to Clive to give them only the water in which the rice had been boiled, for their sustenance. "It is sufficient for our support," said they, "the Europeans require the grain." This fact is also honourable to Clive, for it proves that his conduct to the native troops must have been kind and conciliatory.

Clive now having received a reinforcement took the fort of Timery, and then, with the aid of the Marattas, defeated a large detachment from Pondicherry. The fort of Arnee then declared for Mohammed Ally, and Clive now advanced against the pagoda of Conjeveram, which was held by the French. The commandant made two English officers, Revel and Glass, who were his prisoners, write to say, that if the attack was made they would be exposed on the wall; but they added, that they trusted no regard for them would stop the operations. When some battering cannon had arrived, Clive made a breach, but the garrison, fearing to await a storm, stole away in the night, leaving the two prisoners behind them. Clive then returned to Fort St. David, and when, in the month of January following (1752), Rajah Sahîb had taken the field with 400 Europeans, 2000 Sepoys, and 2500 cavalry, and a train of artillery, Clive marched against him with 380 Europeans, 1300 Sepoys, and six pieces of cannon. He engaged them at a place named Coverspak, and having by a skilful manœuvre succeeded in capturing their artillery, which was placed in a mango-grove, he gave them a complete defeat. Sixty Europeans surrendered, fifty with 300 Sepoys lay dead; the loss on Clive's side was forty Europeans and thirty Sepoys killed, and a much greater number wounded. These various successes of Clive destroyed the French influence in this part of the Carnatic, and raised the reputation of the English in arms in the eyes of the natives, who before had regarded them as far inferior to the French.

Clive was preparing to march to the relief of Trichinopoly, when Major Lawrence arrived from England. He of course took the command, and, accompanied by Clive, of whom he had the highest opinion, he set out at the head of 400 Europeans and 1100 Sepoys, with eight field-pieces. Dupleix sent orders to M. Law, who commanded the French troops there, to intercept them; but in spite of his efforts Lawrence reached the camp in safety, and then prepared to attack that of the French. The

latter, conscious of their weakness, passed over to the island of Seringham (as a piece of land insulated by the Coleroon, and another branch of the Caveri, was named), and, when they were there, Clive proposed to Major Lawrence to pass a part of the army over to the further bank of the Coleroon to cut off their supplies. Though there was hazard in the plan, Lawrence consented, giving the command of the detachment to Clive himself. Clive showed his usual activity, and had his usual success. He first checked, and afterwards forced to surrender M. D'Auteuil, who was advancing with a reinforcement, and shortly after the French in Seringham were obliged to capitulate.

The fate of Chunda Sahib, the noblest, most generous, and most honourable of the native princes who appeared on this scene, is to be deplored. His troops had left him for want of pay, and Law had told him that he was no longer able to protect him. There was at this time at Trichinopoly a Mysorean army, with Morari Râo and his Marattas, and also the troops of the rajah of Tanjore, all come to the relief of Mohammed Ally, and it was only from one of these auxiliaries he could hope for protection. Monacjee, the Tanjorine general, had made him such fair offers that he was induced to confide in him, and repair to his quarters; but the faithless Tanjorine immediately placed him in confinement. He then informed all the other parties of his prize; each was eager to possess him, and Monacjee, seeing he could not retain him, ended the dispute by assassinating the unhappy prince *.

Major Lawrence now deemed that nothing more was required for establishing the dominion of Mohammed Ally in the whole of the Carnatic than the reduction of the fort of Gingee. But, to his amazement, he learned that the Nabob had promised the Mysore regent possession of Trichinopoly, in payment for the aid he had given him. The Nabob, to be sure, made no scruple about breaking his faith; but the major was more punctilious, and a promise was given to the Mysorean, that he should have the place at the end of two months, with which he was obliged to be content, and the English, meantime, left a garrison in the town. It was the plan of Major Lawrence, that the province should first be recovered, and the rents collected, and then siege laid to Gingee; but this judicious plan was overruled by governor Saunders, and troops were sent in the direction of that fortress. These, however, met with a check, and Dupleix, elated thereby, resolved to send all the troops he could into the field, and he made prisoners a company of Swiss in the English service, who were proceeding by sea from Madras to Fort St. David. We are to recollect that at this time France and England were at peace, and that the rival Companies in the East, though in reality principals, affected to appear only as the allies of the rival Nabobs. The force with which Lawrence set out in pursuit of the enemy was somewhat superior in number, and they declined a battle till by a feigned retreat he brought them to action within two miles of Fort St. David. Victory was with the English,

4 Mill blames Major Lawrence for not having taken him out of their hands, as policy and humanity alike dictated; but, as Wilson observes, the English at that time were not in a condition to dictate to the native powers.

A. D. 1753-54.

and it would have been more complete, had not the Nabob's horse fallen to plunder, instead of pursuing the enemy. Clive was then sent to reduce the forts of Covelong and Chingliput, which he easily effected. He then returned to England on account of his health, and the monsoon now compelled the troops to go into quarters.

During the winter, Dupleix managed to form an alliance with the Mysoreans and Marattas, who were at Trichinopoly, where they had made some ineffectual attempts to surprise the fort. This alliance was kept as secret as possible; but Major Lawrence got knowledge of it, and, acting on this knowledge, he went so far as to recommend to Captain Dalton, the commandant at Trichinopoly, to seize the two chiefs at a conference, for he had besides detected a plot of theirs to assassinate Dalton. The advice, however, was not acted on; the two commanders joined the French, and in January, 1753, the two armies took the field. The majority of Europeans was on the English side, and Lawrence was on the whole an able officer, and his officers and men good, while the French had not a single man capable of commanding, and their men were the very refuse of France. To counterpoise this, Morari's 4000 Marattas were in every respect far superior to the 1500 horse of the Nabob. The former therefore avoided a battle, and cut off supplies; and the time was spent in trifling operations till the end of April, when an express came from Dalton, to say that he had only three weeks' provisions remaining. Major Lawrence immediately marched to his relief, and the French followed to aid the Mysoreans in carrying on the siege.

It had all along been the opinion of Major Lawrence, that Trichinopoly should be given up to the Mysoreans; but the presidency could not endure to part with it. In consequence of their refusal, the two armies remained from May 6, 1753, to October 11, 1754, at that town, engaged continually in active operations, the one unable to reduce the fort, the other to raise the siege. Meanwhile, the two Companies in Europe, sick of this war which impeded their commercial profits, had applied to their respective governments, and negotiators on both sides met in London with a view to adjustment. In consequence of this arrangement, M. Godheu was appointed to supersede Dupleix and negotiate with Mr. Saunders for the establishment of peace. He reached Pondicherry on the 2nd August; on the 11th October, a suspension of arms for three months was made, and on the 26th December a provisional treaty was signed. By this treaty the English gained, the French gave up, every thing. Among other advantages, they resigned the four northern Circars, as they are named, which Bussy, by his influence with the Sûbahdah, had lately obtained for them, and the possession of which gave them the command of the whole coast of Coromandel and Orissa for a length of 600 miles, and which, if retained, might have made them masters of the Deckan. "Few nations," observes Mill, "have ever made to the love of peace sacrifices relatively more important."

Dupleix was naturally indignant at seeing the fruits of all his labours thus thrown away. He departed after having delivered to Godheu his accounts, by which it appeared that he had disbursed near three millions of rupees more than he had

received during the war. Of this money a part was his own, the remainder he had borrowed on his own bonds from the French inhabitants of Pondicherry. On his return he applied to the Company for payment; they refused, as they said he had acted without sufficient authority; he instituted a law-suit, but the ministry put an end to the proceedings in the king's name; and all he obtained was letters of protection against his creditors! A wretched requital for the man who had done so much to extend the French power in India, and who would have done it had he been properly supported from home. But so the French treated all their eminent men in India ; a proof, as it were, of their unworthiness of empire.

M. Godheu and Mr. Saunders soon after departed for Europe, persuaded that they had established lasting peace between their nations in India. But such did not prove to be the effect. They were hardly gone, when the grasping Mohammed Ally called on the English to aid him to collect the arrear of tribute from Madura and Tinivelly, two small states lying between Trichinopoly and Cape Comorin. They sent a detachment, the city of Madura was taken, and the Polygars5 were reduced to submission. But the money obtained did not pay the cost of the expedition, and the unlucky officer who commanded the detachment was made the scapegoat, and dismissed the Company's service. As the Mysoreans, in consequence of the invasion of their country by the Sûbahdâr, were obliged at this time to retire from before Trichinopoly, and all was therefore quiet in the south, the Nabob came, and was invested with the ensigns of his office with tolerable pomp at Arcot. He now proposed to the English to join him, in making the governors of forts and districts yield him a revenue, their share to be one half of what was collected. They consented, and Mortiz Ally of Vellore, who was reputed to be rich, was selected as the first object of attack. Mortiz applied to the French, and M. Deleyrit, the governor of Pondicherry, informed the English, that he considered their present conduct a breach of the treaty, and that, if they did not desist, he would take the field against them. As Vellore was strong, and the French force respectable, the English troops were recalled, and as a matter of course negotiation failed to extract any money from Mortiz Ally. Meantime, the conduct of the Nabob's brother, Maphuz Khân, who was governor of Trichinopoly, had caused disturbances in Madura and Tinivelly, and the English were obliged to send troops thither, where the Polygars, defended by their woods and fastnesses, contrived to give them occupation for some years.

During this time, the French were withheld from active opposition by the precarious situation of Bussy with the Sûbahdâr. We have seen this able man overcoming the rebellion of the Patan chiefs, and securing the Sûbahdâry for Salabut Jung. By his own talents and the great superiority of his European troops he had maintained him on the throne, having repelled the repeated invasions of

5 In the Index to Orme's History we read, that a Polygar "is always understood to be the chief of a mountainous or woodland district." They are evidently the chiefs of the aboriginal tribes of Colleries, &c. In the account of the siege of Trichinopoly, in Orme, there is frequent mention of the Polygar Tondiman and his country, from which wood was procured.

the Marattas, and obliged them to conclude peace. His influence with that prince was therefore naturally very high, and he thus had obtained from him for his countrymen the grant of the four northern Circars. At the same time, his enemies were numerous, and among them was the prime minister, Shânavaz Khân. When, after the expedition to Mysore, the Sûbahdar was engaged in the siege of Savanore (or Shahnoor), held by one of his vassals, Morari Râo, the Maratta, who was aiding the rebel, seeing that the place could not hold out, offered to Bussy, if he would effect an accommodation, to give up his claim for what the French owed him. Bussy agreed, peace was made, and then Shânavaz Khân showed the Subahdâh how Bussy preferred to his the interest of his own countrymen, and he prevailed on him to dismiss Bussy and his troops from his service, intending to replace them with English. Bussy, aware that his services would be soon again required, made no objection, and set out on his march for Masulipatam. On the eighth day, when he had come near to Hyderabâd, he found large bodies of troops assembled to obstruct his passage. He therefore resolved to occupy a strong post, and defend himself till reinforcements should arrive from Pondicherry. His defence was gallant and successful, and when the reinforcements, led by Law, arrived, the Sûbahdâr sought a reconciliation, and Bussy rose higher in favour and influence than

ever.

Application had actually been made to the Presidency of Madras for a body of troops, and they would most willingly have been granted had not intelligence of the most alarming nature just been received from Bengal, whither we must now direct our view.

CHAPTER VI.

Subahdary of Bengal-Aliverdi Khân - Suraj-ud-dowlahCapture of Calcutta-The Black Hole-Destruction of the Pirate Angria-Expedition to Bengal.

THE Sûbahdary of Bengal and Orissa was at the time of the death of Shâh Âlum held by Jaffier Khân, a native of Bûrhanpûr, in the Deckan, as deputy to the emperor's second son. In the confusion which ensued, Jaffier contrived to become the actual Sûbahdâr of these provinces. He appointed as his Nabob or deputy in Orissa his countryman and son-in-law, Shujah Khân. There was a Tartar adventurer, named Mîrza Mohammed, whose wife was of kin to Shujah, and, being in great distress, he and his wife repaired to the residence of their fortunate kinsman, by whom they were very kindly received. Their two sons, Hajee Ahmed, and Mîrza Mohammed Ally, soon after followed them to Orissa, and obtained there favour and employment. Hajee proved to be an excellent statesman and man of business; Mîrza, in addition to similar qualities, had great military talents. The two brothers gained the greatest influence over the mind of Shujah, and administered all the affairs of the province to its manifest advantage.

Jaffier died in 1725, appointing as his successor Serafraz Khân, Shujah's son, and not Shujah him

self. But the activity and address of the two brothers soon defeated this arrangement, and patents were procured from Delhi in favour of Shujah. In 1729, Bahar was added to his Subâh, and he appointed Mîrza Mohammed, the younger of the brothers, now named Aliverdi Khân, to its government. Shujah died in 1739, and was succeeded by his son Serafraz, who was a weak man, devoted to pleasure. He hated the two brothers, and he could not refrain from insulting and offending them. Aliverdi's interest was considerable at Delhi, and he easily obtained there an appointment to the Sûbahdâry of the three provinces for himself. Serafraz fell in battle against him, and the provinces then cheerfully submitted. His government of them was wise and humane, and he defended them with skill and valour against the Marattas, by whom they were repeatedly invaded.

Aliverdi died in 1756, at the age of eighty, after a reign of fifteen years. He had had three daughters, and his brother three sons; and the cousins were all married to each other. The sons of Hajee were men of considerable merit, but they all died before their uncle. The eldest son of the youngest of them had been Aliverdi's favourite from his birth; his fondness for him was unbounded; he gave him the title of Suraj-ud-dowlah, or Sun of the State, and after the death of his uncles he was regarded as the future Sûbahdâr. On the death of Aliverdi he assumed the government without opposition.

Suraj-ud-doulah was a violent, headstrong, vicious youth. His first act was to endeavour to plunder his relatives of the wealth which they possessed. He was on his march against one of his cousins, who was Nabob of Purneah, when he heard that the Dewan or treasurer of his late uncle at Dacca had sent his family and property by his son Kishendass to Calcutta, by way of security. He had always hated the English, and he was now glad of a cause of quarrel with them; he sent immediately to demand the surrender of Kishendass; but as the messenger came disguised as a pedlar, and went to the house of Omichund, a rich native merchant, by whom he was introduced to the Presidency, no notice was taken of him, the whole affair being regarded as a trick of Omichund to give himself importance. Another message, however, came from the Sûbahdâr, requiring the English to desist from strengthening their fortifications. But they partly denied the fact, partly justified it as a measure of defence against the French. The young Sûbahdâr was filled with rage, and he appeared forthwith before the factory of Cossimbazar, which surrendered without making any effort at defence.

When intelligence of this event reached Calcutta, it produced the utmost terror and dismay. There were little more than threescore European soldiers in the place; most of the small militia of the place, we are told, knew not the right from the wrong end of their muskets, the works of the fort were extensive and weak, there was a very scanty stock of ammunition, and that mostly damaged, and the supply of provisions was small. But, worse than all, there was insubordination and division within; the military officers had no skill, and the civil servants neither wisdom nor energy. The Dutch were applied to for aid, but they gave a positive refusal; the French insultingly replied,

A. D. 1756.

that they would join them if they removed with their property to Chandernagore.

6

On the 18th June, the troops of the Sûbahdâr commenced their attack. Those in the fort, aware that the place must fall, agreed to put the women and effects at once on board of a ship that was lying before the fort, and that the men should depart in the same manner the following night. The women accordingly were embarked, and Messrs. Frankland and Manningham, who took the charge of superintending the embarkation, with a prudent regard for their own safety, remained also on board. Others followed their example, and the ship dropped down the river, followed by all the other vessels, and there only remained two small boats. Into these, in the morning, Mr. Drake the governor, Captain Minchin the commandant, and as many others as could, threw themselves and followed the ships. When their departure was known in the fort, nothing was heard for some time but execrations on them for their baseness and cowardice. A consultation was then held, and Mr. Pearkes, the eldest member of Council in the fort, resigning his claim, the chief command was given to Mr. Holwell. The number of men capable of service now remaining in the fort was only 190. As there was still a ship lying a little higher up the river, an officer was sent in a boat which had returned, to desire the captain to bring her down immediately. The captain obeyed; but she struck on a sandbank, and the crew abandoned her. Meantime, the fort was warmly attacked and bravely defended. The garrison made signals with flags by day and by fires at night to recall the vessels, which were at Govindpore; but not one returned, though, as Orme asserts, a single sloop with only fifteen brave men on board could have carried off all that were in the fort, in spite of all the efforts of the enemy. Next morning (20th) the enemy renewed the assault, twenty-five of the garrison were killed or severely wounded, and seventy were more slightly hurt, and the common men, having broken open the arrack-store, were mostly intoxicated. During a parley, the Sûbahdâr's troops made their way into the fort; no resistance was offered, and all became prisoners. At eight o'clock the Sûbahdâr entered the fort with his principal officers, and took his seat in the principal room of the factory. Mr. Holwell was brought before him with his hands tied; he ordered him to be loosed, and assured him on the word of a soldier that he should suffer no harm.

In the evening, the guards, having sought for a place to secure the prisoners for the night and finding none to the purpose, resolved to thrust them all into a room which was just at hand, which the English had used as a place of confinement for the garrison, and which they therefore named the Black Hole. It was a room only eighteen feet by fourteen, with a door and two small windows, all opening into a large verandah. The place might have held twenty persons, but 146 were now to be forced into it; and, when some ventured to remonstrate, the officer of the guard threatened to cut them down. They entered, and the room was so thronged that the last got in with difficulty, and the door was then locked on them.

6 These were mostly the Portuguese or native Christian

women.

71

The night was more sultry even than usual at the time of year, many were wounded, the blood of others was inflamed with liquor. A profuse perspiration, followed by intense thirst, broke out on every one; the air was corrupted by their respiration, and every attempt made by waving of hats to improve it failed. They tried, but in vain, to burst the door, which shut from within. Mr. Holwell had at first offered an old Jemâtdâr, or inferior officer, 1000 rupees if he would get them separated in two rooms. He went to try, but, on his return, said it was impossible. He was then offered 2000; he retired again, and returned to say that the Sûbahdâr was asleep, and that no one could dare to waken him. All hope of release being thus at an end, and their torments increasing every moment, the cry for water became universal. The kind Jemâtdâr had some skins of water brought to the windows; but the sight of it produced a ferocious battle among the sufferers, each striving to be the first to get it, and their guards, holding up lights, amused themselves with the views of their struggles. At length they suffered those who were nearest the windows to convey it to the rest in their hats; but it proved no relief to their fever. Some then became delirious, others lethargic; some, in wild prayer, called on Heaven for aid, others poured forth frantic blasphemies. Many abused the guard in the most opprobrious terms, in order to provoke them to fire on them and thus end their miseries. At two o'clock only fifty remained alive, and when the door was opened in the morning, twenty-three ghastly forms came forth, all that were now surviving of the number. Mr. Holwell was led into the presence of the Sûbahdâr, and when he attempted to draw his attention to his sufferings he was harshly silenced, and questioned about the treasure which the English were supposed to have buried. He and two other gentlemen were then put in fetters; the rest were told that they might go where they pleased; an Englishwoman who was among them was reserved for the harem of the general, Meer Jaffier. They repaired without delay to Govindpore, and many of them afterwards died of putrid diseases brought on by their sufferings. Mr. Holwell and his two companions were sent in an open boat to Moorshedabâd, and there confined; but, at the prayer of the widow of Aliverdi, the Sûbahdâr gave them their liberty.

It was asserted by some, that Suraj-ud-doulâh put the prisoners in the Black Hole with a view to their destruction. But, heartless and cruel as he was, we see no reason to charge him with such an atrocity, and in all probability he did not even know where they were placed. Hardened indifference forms his guilt; he expressed neither compassion nor remorse when informed of the catastrophe, and probably rejoiced at it in his heart.

"All was lost," says Orme, "before the Presidency of Madras even received intelligence of the danger." On the 15th of July, they heard of the surrender of Cossimbazar. This they thought little of; but on the 5th of August came the news of the fall of Calcutta, which, he says, "scarcely created more horror and resentment than consternation and perplexity."

Fortunately for the interests of the Company, perhaps eventually for those of India itself, Clive was now in India. After a stay in England of

two years, the directors had appointed him governor of Fort St. David, and eventually of Madras, and they urged his immediate departure. To obviate disputes about rank and precedence between their own and the king's officers, they obtained for him from the crown the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the British army. Clive sailed in 1755, but landed at Bombay instead of Madras; for it was desired that he should command a body of troops which were to aid the Marattas against the Sûbahdâr of the Deckan. But here we have the first instance (and we shall meet several) of that insatiate love of patronage, and desire of interference on the part of the English ministry, which did so much mischief in India. Clive's fitness for this command was undeniable; but there was a Colonel Scott who had sailed for India only the preceding year as engineer-general, and he was appointed to the command by the influence of the Duke of Cumberland. This was the reason why the directors desired Clive to proceed to Bombay in hopes that something might occur to frustrate this appointment. The death of Colonel Scott did occur, but the treaty between Mr. Saunders and M. Godheu precluded all armed interference in the disputes of the native princes, and the Presidency of Bombay would not, therefore, sanction any military operations. However, as there was a fleet under Admiral Watson at Bombay, it was resolved to take this opportunity of putting down, in concert with the Marattas, the pirates which infested these seas.

From the earliest ages these seas had been the haunt of pirates; the Greeks tell of them, the Portuguese found them there. The Marattas, when they got dominions along the coast, shared of course in this practice, and, as the Sîdî or Mogul admiral of the fleet in this sea was a great impediment to them, they assembled a fleet large enough to engage his, and waged a naval war in the time of Rajah Sâho. Their commander was named Konajee Angria; he obtained the command of Severndroog, one of their strongest forts, then seduced part of the fleet, and with it destroyed the remainder, and finally made himself master of the coast of the Côncan for the length of 120 miles, with the country inland to the foot of the Ghâts. Sâho, after an ineffectual attempt to reduce him, was obliged to acknowledge him, on condition of the annual payment of a small tribute, and he and his successors (all named Angria) continued to levy chout at sea, as they termed it, on all who did not purchase their passes.

The dominion of the Angrias had now lasted for more than half a century, and the annual expense to the Company for keeping up a fleet to convoy their merchantmen was 50,000l. They, therefore, in the beginning of this year, had listened to a proposal of the Marattas for a joint attack on the forts of the pirates, and Commodore James had taken Severndroog, fort Goa, and Bâncôt (henceforth named Fort Victoria), when the setting in of the monsoon obliged him to return to Bombay. At the end of the year it was resolved to attack Gheriah, Angria's principal stronghold, situated on a rocky promontory, and supposed to be nearly impregnable. Watson, taking Clive and his troops on board, proceeded by sea, the Maratta army marched along the coast. Strong as the place was, Angria lost courage; he fled to the

Marattas, and it was arranged that the place should be delivered to them, and the English thus be defrauded of their share of the prize money. This coming to Watson's ears, he attacked the fort vigorously, and Clive, landing his men, interposed between it and the Marattas. The fort surrendered, and the Marattas got nothing, neither did the Company nor the king, for the captors divided all the booty (about 120,000l.) among themselves 7. The Marattas then reduced all the other forts, and the piratic state of the Angrias was thus terminated.

Clive took the command at Fort St. David the very day that Suraj-ud-dowlah captured Calcutta. When news of that event arrived, he was summoned to Madras to assist at the deliberations of the Council. Some were for sending their troops to aid Salabut Jung against Bussy, and merely despatching Admiral Watson and Major Kilpatrick to treat with Suraj-ud-dowlah, and, in case of not succeeding, to try to recover and hold Calcutta. But the opinion of Orme the historian prevailed, which was to send the fleet with as large a land force as they could, and attack the Subahdâr in his capital, and force him to a peace. This was communicated to Admiral Watson, who gave his consent, and the all-important question of prize-money was also arranged. But then came the grand difficulty of the command of the land forces. Colonel Lawrence, against whom there could be no objection, was suffering from asthma. Mr. Pigot, on account of the incapacity shown by the Bengal Presidency, would have gone himself, were it not that he had not the requisite military experience. There was now at Madras an officer named Adlercron, colonel of one of the king's regiments, and therefore superior to Clive in rank; but the command was not offered to him because he had no experience in Indian warfare, and besides he would not engage to return, when requested, to Madras, or to surrender any part of the booty to compensate the losses of the Company. We shall find, as we proceed, that in

7 "This had been settled before the expedition left Bombay, as well as the respective share of prize-money to the

officers and men. It is remarkable what attention was

given at this time in India, even before operations were commenced, to adjust the relative claims to eventual booty. Councils of war were held, at which very junior officers aided, and arguments were entered into by the respective parties. The causes of this were various. Besides that spirit of plunder, and that passion for the rapid accumulation of wealth which actuated all ranks, the undefined relations of the King's and Company's officers made such previous arrangements indispensable, to prevent those disputes which, but for such precautions, must subsequently have occurred."-Malcolm, Life of Clive, i. 135. On this occasion the naval officers had determined that Clive should only share with a post-captain; the officers of the troops required that he should share with Rear-admiral Pocock, the second in command. Watson refused, but said he would make up the difference out of his own share; and he sent the money, but Clive refused to take it.

8 Orme's own modest language reminds us of Xenophon. "They were opposed by one of the members of the Council, who, having resided nine years in the Company's service at Calcutta, knew the strength and insolence of the Moorish government in Bengal, believed that nothing but vigorous hostilities would induce the Nabob to make peace or repa. ration, and considered the force proposed as unequal, even to the retaking of Calcutta."