Efforts were then made to induce the Sûbahdâr to permit an attack on Chandernagore, as there was actual war between France and England, and Bussy was now in the Circaîs, and within 200 miles of Calcutta. The request was at first evaded, for he was secretly in correspondence with the French. Proposals were made for the maintenance of peace between the two factories, though the nations were at war; but the admiral would not consent to give effect to any treaty until it was sanctioned by the government of Pondicherry, for the conduct of Dupleix in the case of Madras was recollected. The admiral corresponded with the Sûbahdâr on the subject, seeking to convince him that it was as much for his own interest as that of the English that the place should be attacked. At length, having ascertained that he was intriguing with the French, he wrote him a final letter, in which, among other things, he said, "I will kindle such a flame in your country, as all the water in the Ganges shall not be able to extinguish." "Farewell," he concludes, "remembe, that he who promises you this, never yet broke his word with you or with any man whatsoever."

This letter, aided by a present to the Sûbahdâr's secretary, drew an ambiguous kind of consent, and as the two remaining ships and troops were now arrived, it was resolved to proceed at once to the attack of Chandernagore. Clive, who was already near that town, summoned it to surrender on the night of the day the admiral received the Sûbahdâr's letter (13th), and in the morning he attacked the western battery, which was defended during the day, but abandoned in the night. Between this day and the 19th, when the fleet came up, the enemy was driven from ten other batteries, one of three guns playing down the channel, which would have greatly annoyed the ships, and before which the French had sunk four or five vessels. High praise has been bestowed on the manner in which the ships of the line were brought so far up the river, and laid alongside the batteries of the town; but only two were engaged, and in three hours from the time they commenced firing the town capitulated. The usual jealousy was shown here again; for though the place could never have been taken without Clive's assistance, and the surrender was made to Admiral Watson, it was with great reluctance that he consented to Clive's signing the articles. Though we notice these instances of professional jealousy in the gallant admiral, we must do him the justice to observe, that in disinterestedness, and in zeal for the interests of his country, very few, if any, of the king's officers sent out to India at this period were his equals.

It was the well-founded opinion of Clive, that it was impossible for the French and English power to co-exist in India, and he was therefore resolved to drive the former if possible out of Bengal. But the permission of the Sûbahdâr to attack their remaining settlements could not be obtained; it was ascertained that he had actually invited Bussy to

4 Thornton blames Clive for not having required reparation for the affair of the Black Hole, but we see not what reparation could well be required, and the not noticing that affair, looks as if he did not consider it to have been done designedly.

vice a party of French 5 under M. Law, the governor of their factory at Cossimbazar, and when at length he was obliged to dismiss them, he let them stay at Râjmahâl in Bahâr, and supplied them with money for their expenses. The Sûbahdâr was now also relieved from his apprehensions of the Afghâns, as Ahmed Dûrannee had quitted Delhi, and of his continued and intense hatred of the English there were abundant proofs. If the troops and ships departed, Calcutta would be again destroyed. In fine, he or they must fall. Under these circumstances, Clive felt himself not merely justified in paying no heed to the orders sent him from Madras, to return to the defence of that settlement, but even in taking part in a conspiracy for the dethronement of the Sûbahdâr.

Sûraj-ud-dowlah was now universally hated, both in his court and camp. The leading persons there were Meer Jaffier, the Bukhshi, or commander-inchief, a soldier of fortune, to whom Aliverdi had given one of his daughters in marriage; Roy Dullub the Dewan, or minister of finance, who was of course a Hindoo, and who was intimately associated with Jugget Seit, the greatest banker in India, or rather the head of the greatest bankingfirm. These men, in dread for their lives and properties, seem to have resolved on the overthrow of Sûraj-ud-dowlah. It would appear to have been by way of experiment, that on the 23rd April, a chief, named Yâr Lattee, who commanded 2000 horse in the Sûbahdâr's service, and was the paid protector of the Seits, sent to propose a secret interview to Mr. Watts, the English resident at Moorshedabâd. Mr. Watts did not think it safe to grant it, but he sent an agent to him. His proposal was, that they should take advantage of Sûraj-ud-dowlah's intended departure from Moorshedabâd, to seize that town and proclaim himself Sûbahdâr, in which he assured them of the aid of the Seits and other influential persons. Next day the overture was renewed, but now it was Meer Jaffier, and not Yar Lattee, that was proposed for Sûbahdâr. The offers of Meer Jaffier were communicated by Watts to Clive, and by him to the committee at Calcutta, who, after the hesitation that was to be expected from them, agreed to join in this hazardous affair. The negotiation, however, received a slight check just at this time by the departure of Meer Jaffier from Moorshedabâd; for the Sûbahdâr had encamped an army of 40,000 men at Plassy on the Hooghly, about thirty miles south of that city, with the secret intention of employing it against the English, and he now ordered Meer Jaffier to lead to it a reinforcement of 15,000 men.

Just at this time an agent arrived at Calcutta, bearing a letter from the Maratta Peishwa, in which he proposed to invade Bengal with 150,000 horse, and offered, if the English would join him, to pay them the double of their losses, and secure them the exclusive commerce of the Ganges. Clive did not court a Maratta alliance, besides, it was doubtful if the letter was genuine, (it however really was so,) and it might be only an artifice of the Sûbahdâr's. It was therefore resolved to trans

5 They were composed of those who had escaped from Chandernagore, some of whom had, in the usual French fashion, broken their parole.

mit it to him, as in either case it must produce a good effect. He expressed himself much gratified with the conduct of Clive, and that officer, further to lull his suspicions, ordered his troops into quarters, and wrote to the Sûbahdâr, requesting him to do the same with the troops at Plassy. He, however, got only promises; so he wrote a letter to Watts (30th), in which, among other things, he said, "the Nabob is a villain, and cannot be trusted; he must be overset, or we must fall ;" and on the 2nd May, he wrote, empowering him to come to a settlement with Meer Jaffier, "Tell him," says he, "to fear nothing, that I will join him with 5000 men that never turned their backs, and that if he fails seizing him, we shall be strong enough to drive him out of the country." A treaty was concluded, which beside containing the articles in that made with Sûraj-ud-dowlah, gave the French factories and effects to the English, and excluded that nation for ever from Bengal; and the land about Calcutta, and as far south as Culpee, was to be held on Zemindary tenure by the Company, to whom were also to be paid 100 lacs of rupees for their losses, as also fifty to the English, twenty to the Indian, and seven to the Armenian inhabitants of Calcutta. It was also resolved by the Committee, that an additional sum of fifty lacs should be asked for the squadron and the army.

"When this was settled," says Clive, "Mr. Becher suggested, that he thought the Committee who managed the great machine of government were entitled to some consideration, as well as the army and navy." There was probably not a man present, on whose mind there was the slightest doubt of the justice of this proposal; and it accordingly met with a ready assent, and a sum of about ten lacs was specified. When this afterwards came to the knowledge of the admiral, he put in his claim to a share, and Clive was willing to allow it; but others would not give their consent. It is well known what obloquy was afterwards cast on Clive for this and other large sums which he subsequently obtained from Meer Jaffier; it is therefore worth our while to examine what moral guilt, if any, attached to it.

In the first place we are to consider, that the chief motive which led the servants of the Company to India was the hope of obtaining the means of spending the later period of their life at home in independence, if not affluence. The salaries given them by the Company were so miserably small, that it never could have been expected that they could live on them, and they therefore were permitted to engage in private trade. They were also allowed to accept of presents from the native princes and others with whom they transacted any of the affairs of the Company. This practice of giving and receiving presents has, as is well known, prevailed from time immemorial in the East, and no dishonour on either side attaches to it. Further, as we have already seen, it was the custom for a new monarch to distribute presents to his friends, on his accession; and these, of course, were proportionably large, if they had aided him to ascend the throne. As yet, the English had not been concerned in any great transaction of this nature; but they had seen that Muzafar Jung had given large sums to the French Company and their troops, and that Dupleix had, in his private capacity, received from him a sum said to be equal to 200,000l., be

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side valuable jewels; and that, on the elevation of Salabut Jung, the officers of the French corps received so large a gratification, that even an ensign's share exceeded 5000l., while that of the commander, the renowned Bussy, was 100,0007.7 Are we then to wonder that, with these examples before his eyes, Clive (for we speak not of the others), who had left England at the age of eighteen, and in whose mind romantic, or perhaps even high, principles of honour had never been instilled, should have followed the example of so great a man as Bussy, and not let slip what seemed an honourable occasion of securing affluence? We should, no doubt, admire him more, if he had thought of the interests of the Company alone, and neglected his own, and in such case he might have had the thanks of the Court of Directors; but most assuredly nothing more, except the applause of his own conscience; for not a single instance had as yet occurred of their acting with liberality towards any of their servants, and for them he might have ended his days in poverty. Finally, when we expect such heroism of virtue in a servant of the East India Company, we should recollect the scandalous and unblushing venality and corruption of public men at that time in England itself. On the whole, every thing considered, we own we cannot blame Clive for making his fortune on this occasion; but we will not assert that he did not make too large a one, not, however, at the expense of the Company.

To resume the narrative. Every thing had been thus far arranged to the satisfaction of all parties, when imminent danger presented itself from an unexpected quarter. The native merchant, Omichund, who, beside his other losses at the taking of Calcutta, had been plundered of four lacs of rupees in cash, had followed the Sûbahdâr to Moorshedabâd, in the hope of obtaining compensation for his losses. He here acquired some influence over the mind of that prince, and he was of great use to Mr. Watts, the resident. It was not thought at first advisable to make him acquainted with the conspiracy; but as it was found impossible to elude his penetration, Mr. Watts deemed it the best policy to inform him of the secret. He readily joined in the plan. Of the money to be paid by Meer Jaffier, a very large sum was set down as his share, to reimburse him for his losses, and he had managed to obtain from the Sûbahdâr an order for a sum equivalent to the cash taken from him. But the demon of avarice had taken entire possession of his breast; and being now fully acquainted with the secret of the plot, and having the lives of all engaged in it at his mercy, he came to Mr. Watts and told him, that he would betray the whole to the Sûbahdâr, unless he got five per cent. on all the money to be paid out of the treasury, and a fourth of the jewels. He, however, consented to leave the matter to the Committee, to whom

6 See above, p. 66. Orme, i. 162.

7 Orme, i. 250.

8 See our History of England, iii. 8vo. edit. Bishop Watson, in his Life, names the sum which he was informed it cost, to gain the assent of Parliament to the peace of Paris in 1762; and have we not even, at the present day, heard a leading railway director publicly assert, that with plenty of money he would carry any measure through Parliament, in spite of the ministry?

9 Orme, ii. 151. He says, that valuing the treasure at

Mr. Watts immediately wrote. That the claim was beyond all bounds of reason was plain, and the means adopted to enforce it seemed to put him who made it beyond the pale of justice or honour; but how they were to act was a difficult question, for the lives of many persons, and the actual existence of the English in Bengal, were at stake. Clive instantly suggested the expedient of a fictitious treaty. This was approved of, and two treaties were drawn out; a real one, in which there was no mention of Omichund, written on white, and one meant to deceive him, on red, paper. The admiral signed the former, but refused to sign the latter. As, however, the absence of his name would excite Omichund's suspicions, his signature was affixed to it by the Committee. Omichund was deceived, as was expected; and when he came shortly after to Calcutta, he was received with the greatest apparent cordiality.

Matters being now finally arranged, and Meer Jaffier having engaged to separate from the Sûbahdar's army with a large body of troops, and to join the English, the troops at Calcutta, reinforced by 150 seamen from the fleet, proceeded, on the 12th June, to Chandernagore, whence Clive wrote to the Sûbahdâr, reproaching him with his breach of faith, but offering to submit their disputes to the arbitration of Meer Jaffier, Roydûllûb, and others. In conclusion, he told him that, as the rains were so near, he found it necessary to wait upon him immediately. As Mr. Watts had just then effected his escape from Moorshedabâd, the Sûbahdâr knew how to interpret this letter, and he advanced with the whole of his army to Plassy.

Clive's force consisted of about 3000 men, with nine pieces of cannon. As there appeared no sign of Meer Jaffier's joining him, he became somewhat uneasy, and on the 21st he summoned a council of war, in which he proposed the question, whether it would be prudent to attack the Nabob without assistance, or to wait till they were joined by some country power, meaning the Marattas. The usual mode in these councils is, for the youngest officer present to deliver his sentiments the first, and then the rest in due order. But Clive commenced by giving his own opinion in favour of delay. His authority doubtless was of weight, and thirteen out of twenty voted on that side; while seven, among whom was Coote, voted for an immediate attack. The council broke up, and, strange as it may appear, shortly after Clive issued orders for the troops to march and cross the river. Mr. Scrafton, who was present with the army, says, that this change of resolution was the consequence of a letter received from Meer Jaffier; Orme, that when the council broke up, Clive "retired alone into the adjoining grove, where he continued near an hour in deep meditation," and then gave orders for the troops to march; and Coote stated, that in an hour after the council broke up, Clive informed him of his intention to march next morning; while Clive himself declared, that he took twentyfour hours to deliberate on the subject. Be this as it may, the troops passed the river on the 22nd,

four and a half millions sterling, Omichund's share would have come to 675,000l.; but surely that would have been much more than five per cent. Malcolm and Wilson say his demand was thirty lacs of rupees, about 350,000.

and an hour after midnight they reached Plassy, and took up a position there in a grove of mango

trees.

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During the night, the sounds of military music convinced them that the army of the Sûbahdâr was in their immediate vicinity. At daybreak (23rd) it was seen advancing in many columns, with cannon interposed, to the attack. It consisted of 15,000 horse, 35,000 foot, with upwards of forty pieces of artillery. A party of forty or fifty vagabond Frenchmen," as Orme styles them, led by an officer named Sinfray, advanced the first, Sinfray calling on the Sûbahdâr's troops to follow; but they had no confidence in each other, and he called in vain. A cannonade was kept up for some hours on the English, who sheltered themselves by sitting under a high mud-bank. Soon after noon the enemy drew off their cannon, and retired toward their camp. But the French still kept their post, till a party, under Major Kilpatrick, began to move against them, when they retired, carrying off their guns. The whole British force now advanced; a cannonade was opened on the enemy's camp, one angle of which and an eminence near it were carried, and the whole army fled in confusion, leaving to the victors their camp and all it contained. The pursuit was continued for six miles; the loss of the enemy was about 500 men; that of the British in killed and wounded about seventy, mostly Sepoys. Such was the battle, or rather rout, of Plassy, which in effect gave an empire to England.

Suraj-ud-dowlah, as Clive observes, "had no confidence in his army, nor his army any confidence in him." His most faithful general, Moodun Khân, having been killed by a cannon-ball, he had sent for Meer Jaffier, and casting his turban at his feet, implored him, by the memory of Aliverdi, their common relative, to forget all differences and to defend his throne. Jaffier promised, of course, and advised him to recall the troops, and defer the conflict till next morning. This was done; and the consequence was, the advance of the English. Roydûllûb then counselled him to retire to Moorshedabâd; to this course his own fears also urged him, and the inevitable result was the victory of the English; for Oriental troops never fight when abandoned by their leaders.

Meer Jaffier had been playing a double game all through these events. When he gave the above advice to the Sûbahdâr, he wrote to Clive, desiring him to attack the camp without delay. But the letter did not reach him, and he made the attack of his own account. He also kept his troops separate; but his conscience made him suspicious; and when, after the victory, he had his first interview with his allies, the military honours with which he was received startled him, and he gave manifest signs of terror. He revived, however, when Clive saluted him as Sûbahdâr with much cordiality. A few days after (29th) Clive formally seated him on the musnud at Moorshedabâd.

The unhappy Suraj-ud-dowlah, on arriving at his capital, found no one faithful, and on the night of the 24th, as Meer Jaffier had already entered it, he departed secretly, attended only by a eunuch and one of his concubines, with the design of joining M. Law. But near Rajmahâl he was recognized by a devotee whose nose and ears he had cut off some months before, and was by him be