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still more shallow-childish even to silliness. Religion, that is catholicity, is with him one of the fine arts-the finest of them all; and he makes it so fine that in his exhibitions it is tawdry. Shocked at the impiety of people who dare to pray speaking their own thought and desire in their own words into the ear of God, he thinks it much better to get up a histrionic imitation of the worship which somebody else offered long ago in the dark "ages of faith "-or perhaps (according to the latest definition that we have heard of) a scenic representation of the worship performed in Heaven. So with altar instead of table, with symbolic candles and flowers, with crosses and pictures, with many-colored altar cloths full of recondite meanings, with wonderful diversity of costumes and man-millinery, with smoke of incense if he dares, with plentiful bowings at the name of Jesus and genuflections before the altar, he gets up his imposing show to the delight of little souls as empty as his own of all great thought and feeling. Such mimics are too shallow to understand what our philosopher puts in a clear light.

"Ritualism," he says, "is not Catholicism." "Even the public worship of the church [Roman Catholic], when stripped of its essentials, is almost devoid of any outward sign or sound that can properly be characterized as ceremonial.” "Ritualism is a means used by the church to accomplish certain ends, and so used, because the example of the divinely instituted Jewish church, and her own ages of experience have convinced her that by it those ends can be most surely attained. But it is no more an essential element of her being than royal robes are of the being of a king; and the weak caricature of her stately ceremonial, in which some Protestant experimentalists indulge, converts them into Catholics as little as the tinsel crown and sceptre of the stage give royal birth and power to the actor in the play." p. 463.

Would that the weak ritualists of Anglicanism could understand how widely the ritualism of Rome differs from the child's play which they think so much of! Let them "submit heart, will, and reason" (if their practice in folly has left them any reason) to Rome, and they will find that the ritual, which they have been trying to mimic, is valued not for its own sake, but only as a means to the end for which it was invented-only for its efficacy as one of the methods by which the subjects of that huge despotism are trained into habits of unquestioning because unthinking submission. Meanwhile our philosopher, if they would hear him, can teach them that their mimetic performances are no less ridiculous to intelligent Romanists than to the common sense of Protestants.

ARTICLE VII.-SOUTHERN REGENERATION.

Message of Governor Worth to the Legislature of North Caro

lina.

Message of Governor Patton to the Legislature of Alabama. Address of Henry A. Wise at the dedication of a Cemetery in Virginia.

Letter of Count A. De Gasparin on Universal Amnesty and Universal Suffrage.

THE Rebellion was the effort of a degenerate civilization, and of social ideas that had fallen behind the age, to throw off their allegiance to a government solemnly established by a better and wiser generation. In the seventy years which had elapsed since the Constitution was adopted, the South had gone backward a century-the North constantly forward; and when at last the heavy drags of Aristocracy and Slavery strove to tear themselves from the advancing car of progress and freedom, the contest that followed was a war of the seventeenth century against the nineteenth. To all intents and purposes the Southern mind, the Southern civilization, and the Southern social and political ideas in 1860, were those of two hundred years ago; and the revolt of the South, both in its crime and its folly, was a proof how little it knew of the progress which the world outside of itself had been making.

The struggle was terrible, for it was between opposite civilizations and social systems, and it was for these, on both sides, a matter of life or death. It ended only with Southern exhaustion. The South was conquered, but the war had been too short to accomplish amendment, except by destruction. No war of five years ever completely converted a people to truth from the errors of centuries. The rebels were subjugated -not convinced: the house upon the sandy foundation had been overthrown, but no new building had been erected in its place.

No one, whatever opinion he may entertain of some of the Rebel leaders and their motives, can doubt that the mass of the people had been deluded into the belief that their cause was just, and that they made all their tremendous sacrifices, as they honestly imagined, for their freedom and their rights. To this idea all their education, for at least two generations, had tended. In the faith of this they devoted their property, their lives, and their dearest and tenderest affections, and submitted to a tyranny of which we can form little conception. The utter defeat of their hopes could not be expected of itself to destroy their convictions, or remove their fears. It could not be expected that immediately upon the surrender of their armies the Southern people should suddenly abandon the cherished views of successive generations, should curse the teachings of their fathers, and execrate the memory of those dear relatives and friends who, side by side with themselves or in their behalf, had perished fighting in the common cause. This would be unnatural, and had such conduct been exhibited it would have afforded reasonable proof of a weak instability of character, or a deep seated hypocrisy, even more despicable and dangerous.

But if we had no right to expect this from the Southern people as a fruit of victory, there is something which we clearly had a right to expect. It is that they should, in good faith, "accept the situation" of defeat, with all its legitimate conse quences, both to themselves and to their peculiar social systems and ideas. This is all, but it secures eventually everything. For first-it implies their admission that to themselves, whether viewed as individual rebels, or as defeated communities in recognized warfare, the victors have the right to dictate such terins of peace as they may deem essential to their own future security. It implies that they will comply with these conditions without any haggling or quibbling about their "constitutional rights" as still and always legally States of the Union; and especially without any factious opposition to such proposed constitutional amendments, as shall merely put themselves upon an equal footing in the government with the loyal States. So long as the proffered conditions of peace, and especially conditions so just and liberal as these are not accepted, so long

there is merely a truce. The victorious party is entitled and compelled, even though active hostilities may have ceased, to consider that a state of war, with all its laws and rights and duties, is still continuing.

The "acceptance of the situation" implies, secondly, the sincere adoption by the South of the new order of things. It implies its practical recognition of the fact that the doctrine of Secession is a thing of the past, and that the indissolubility of the Union is the fundamental law of the land; that the old Southern system of aristocracy, with its attendant social features of idleness, ignorance, and slavery, has been utterly and forever overthrown, and is to be supplanted by the Northern system of democratic freedom, with its hitherto hated foundations of labor, equality, and popular education. It implies the pledge that these, as they have triumphed in the shock of arms, shall freely enter and take possession of the land, and shall be everywhere accorded the supremacy they have won by the sword. We do not insist that the people of the South should divest themselves at once of all their ancient prejudices;-that they should declare with alacrity that the negro race is not naturally inferior in human rights to the white;-that they should sing Te Deums over the overthrow of their confederacy, and the destruction of their armies; that they should perceive on the instant that the free institutions of the North, synonomous as they are in their inexperienced minds, with extravagance, vice, and infidelity, are theoretically superior to those of the bowie knife and the "regulating committee." And if we cannot and do not expect that these results, the certain future fruits of time and experience, shall now be found in full development, we cannot and will not insist that every Southern tongue be tied from expressing the absence of abstract conviction. We shall not therefore be surprised or discouraged if we learn from Southern papers or correspondents that the people still speak mournfully in private and in public of their "fallen flag”—that they honor, in public addresses at the erection of monuments or the dedication of cemeteries, the memory of the confederate dead, that they speak in terms of exaggerated eulogy of their leaders in the recent struggle, or that with the narrow prejudice of ignorance and vanity they are accustomed to indulge in

spiteful malediction of "the detested Yankees." We can tolerate these trifles, if only to teach by example respect for free speech, but we have a right to require, and ought to require that such toleration be imitated on their part. Let them say what they will, and think what they will, so long as there is no interference with conflicting opinions-no attempts at covert restoration of the old order of things-no more slavery under any disguise, no more suppression of newspapers, no more burning of school-houses, no more persecution of teachers, white or black.

So far however, as these expressions of feeling are accompanied by acts, especially by public and official acts that are violative of the existing truce, hostile or obstructive to the victor's authority or rightful demands, so far it is evident that all professions of "accepting the situation in good faith" and whining appeals to be restored to confidence and power, are to be sternly disregarded.* Unfortunately in the period that has elapsed since the Rebel armies surrendered, there have been afforded abundant proofs that we cannot be too cautious in believing that all experience is reversed in the case of the Southern people, and that, convinced as they were most sorely against their will, they are yet not only completely converted but may be safely trusted to govern themselves and us also. It

The late Message of Governor Patton to the Legislature of Alabama recommending the rejection of the Constitutional Amendment, is a striking example of this kind of insolence and presumption. He opposes the amendment “ as dangerous to the liberties of the whole country." The disfranchisment of cer. tain leading rebels, he says, "would operate as an ex post facto law, a thing unknown in the history of enlightened liberty. Such a mode of dealing with citizens charged with offenses against government, belongs only to despotic tyrants," &c., &c. The change of representation whereby the Rebel States will be placed upon the same footing as the rest in Congress, instead of having an advantage as formerly, he opposes upon the ground that "it is a change in a feature of our Government which has never been complained of before, and which has never been a source of trouble or inconvenience." And he adds with impressive solemnity, "we are sincerely desirous for a complete restoration to the Union. We want conciliation, harmony and national tranquillity. We feel that we have given every evidence which human action can furnish of an honest purpose to conform in good faith to the condition of things surrounding us. Alabama is as true to-day to the Constitution and laws of the General Government as any State in the Union."

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