ionable in France to concede to "universal suffrage" the rising of a new despotism which is held to be stronger than the obligations of treaties and the settled principles of international right. Moreover, the attack on the Pope's temporal kingdom he considers an infringement of religious liberty. The temporal power is a condition of the exercise of the spiritual. It is the guaranty of the independence of the Papal office. The great body of Catholics so regard it. The temporal power grew up in connection with the spiritual, as a part and a fruit of the latter. Besides, he thinks that the policy of the Italian kingdom is principally dictated by political ambition. If the Pope be driven from Rome, Guizot thinks that this event will not give more than a momentary success to the Italian movement. The Roman Catholic population, the world over, will be roused to a sense of the injury done to their chief and thus indirectly to themselves. The consequence will be that widespread and increasing agitation will lead to positive measures for the restoration of the Pope to his rightful throne.

Guizot does not confine himself to an expression of his reasons for not approving the Sardinian movement. He indicates what he believes to be the real need of Italy, and the way in which it should be met. Italy needs independence and liberty -independence of foreign control and liberty within. Both of these ends he holds it possible to secure by peaceful means, apart from all revolutionary measures. The abridgment of liberty in the Italian States he attributes, to a considerable extent, to the revolutionary ferment. But Italian unity, in the sense in which the phrase is taken generally, he believes to be at once unnecessary and impracticable. His plan would be to establish a confederation, embracing all the States of the Peninsula as they existed prior to the revolutions which have so enlarged the borders of the Sardinian kingdom. In a confederacy of this kind, he conc eives that all the unity that is desirable or attainable could be realized. For the strength of the various parts composing such a body, he would wish that they should be nearly equal to one another, no one State being much beyond any of the rest in power and resources. It is evident that Guizot has little faith in political changes which are due to revolutionary agencies. He uses strong language

when condemning the action of the Italian Government in confiscating ecclesiastical property, and in reference generally to their treatment of the Catholic Church. Yet he does not omit to express satisfaction that he is a Protestant, and regret that the authorities of the Roman Catholic Church do not see the advantage, as well as duty, of coming out in favor of full religious toleration.

We must confess ourselves not convinced by this reasoning. The fact is obvious that the Papal civil administration is not only distasteful to the subjects of it, but is extremely bad-inherently bad. It is a fact equally obvious that the condition of Italy, partly in consequence of the Papal kingdom, has been deplorable. The discontent of the people is owing to misgovernment. So we cannot but think that their desire to become a nation is legitimate and laudable. Nor does Guizot's scheme of a confederation, even were it within reach, seem to promise good. If it is to be united by no bond stronger than the bands which held the Greek States together, or which lately connected the members of the Germanic body, it would prove to be a rope of sand. If, on the contrary, it were a bond like that of the American Union, Italy would be to all intents and purposes a single nation, and that member of the nation over which the Pope presides would unevitably prove to be refractory and unmanageable. The Pope, if he were to belong to such a confederacy, would be bound to abide by its policy in respect to foreign nations, not to speak of domestic affairs, and would be as far from a situation of independence as it is claimed he would be were he a subject of the Italian king.

Our conclusion is that the "logic of events" is hurrying the Pope to the coerced surrender of his temporal power, and that a portion of his spiritual power must go with it. Whether this great change will take place speedily, and in consequence of the progress of the new Italian kingdom, it is impossible to say. The effect of an exile of the Pope from Rome, growing out of a refusal on his part to acquiesce in the absorption of his territory in the new kingdom, may be such as Guizot describes.

Disturbances may arise which will lead, as when the

late Roman Republic was overthrown, to the regaining of his throne. Even when Victor Immanuel establishes himself at Rome, it will be too early to say that the Pope's temporal power is gone forever. So unsettled is the political condition of all Europe, that a confident judgment on this point would be premature.

ARTICLE II.-THE VALUE OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE TO ETHNOLOGY.

THE science of ethnology, or the genealogical history of human races, is now receiving important contributions from three different branches of scientific inquiry-from the study of physical structure and characteristics (including craniology and comparative anatomy), from archæology, or the study of the remains of ancient art and handicraft, and from linguistics, or the study of languages. All are the birth of the current century, or have, at least, only begun to attain their present development and scope since its commencement; and by their aid our knowledge of the movements and fates of humanity in ante-historic times is making advances more rapid than could have been looked forward to as possible fifty years ago. But, at the same time, our apprehension of the difficulty of the problem set before the ethnologist has grown even faster than our command of the means of its solution. Our views of the history of our kind are undergoing, or seem likely to undergo, a revolution analogous with that which has come upon our views of the history of the earth, our dwelling-place. Until within a very recent period, the growth and structure of the earth-crust were universally regarded as a matter altogether simple and comprehensible, the result of a few flats, succeeding one another within the space of six days and nights; now, even the school-boy knows that in that brief story of the Genesis are epitomized the changeful events of countless ages, and that geology may spend centuries in tracing them out and explaining them in detail, without ever arriving at the end of her task. In like manner has it been supposed that the first introduction of man into the midst of the prepared creation was distant but six or seven thousand years from our day, and we had hoped to be able to read the record of his brief career, even back to its beginning; but science is now accumulating so rapidly, and from so many quarters, proofs that the current estimate of his existence must be greatly lengthened out

even, perhaps, many times multiplied-that universal acceptance of this conclusion also is not, it appears, much longer to be avoided. And if thus driven to the acknowledgment that man, though the youngest of the animal creation, has trodden the earth for ages-ages which may well seem interminable to the historian, brief as the geologist will deem them—we cannot but feel how immensely diminished is our reasonable hope of attaining definite and certain knowledge respecting even the main facts of this prolonged history, how helpless we stand in presence of a past so remote, how feeble is our power of penetration into its dark depths.

These considerations, however, render even more indispensable than before the cordial and effective coöperation of all the classes of inquirers who are directing their efforts toward the common end. Hitherto, it must be acknowledged, they have not worked together in entire harmony. As is but natural between departments of science of so recent and hasty development, each, while confident of its own value and authority, distrusts those of the rest; physicists and linguists, especially, showing too much disposition to misunderstand and disparage each other's methods and results. Within the limits of each, moreover, division of opinion yet prevails upon points even of prime consequence-which is not without its effect in weakening the confidence of outsiders. A complete mutual understanding, and the full harmonizing of conflicting claims and views, it is obvious, can only be attained when the methods of each department are perfected, and its main results firmly established; but it ought not to be difficult, even now, to bring about a better state of things in these respects than actually exists. We propose, then, after making such an inquiry into the nature of language as shall show us what is its competence as a witness in ethnological questions, to compare briefly its advantages with those of physical science, laboring especially to direct attention to the deficiences of both, and to the need in which each stands of all the aid which it can derive from the other.

How and how far language shall be accepted by us as a proof or indication of race, must depend upon our view of what language is, and what its relation to the beings who